Court File No. T-1557-15
FEDERAL
COURT
BETWEEN:
DAVID RAYMOND AMOS
Plaintiff
and
HER
MAJESTY THE QUEEN
Defendant
STATEMENT OF CLAIM
The Parties
1. HER
MAJESTY THE QUEEN (Crown)
is Elizabeth II, the Queen of England, the Protector of the Faith of the Church
of England, the longest reigning monarch of the United Kingdom and one of the
wealthiest persons in the world. Canada pays homage to the Queen because she
remained the Head of State and the Chief Executive Officer of Canada after the Canada
Act 1982 (U.K.) 1982, c. 11 came
into force on April 17, 1982. The standing of the Queen in Canada was explained
within the 2002 Annual Report FORM 18-K filed by Canada with the United States
Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). It states as follows:
“The
executive power of the federal Government is vested in the Queen, represented
by the Governor General, whose powers are exercised on the advice of the
federal Cabinet, which is responsible to the House of Commons. The legislative
branch at the federal level, Parliament, consists of the Crown, the Senate and
the House of Commons.”
“The
executive power in each province is vested in the Lieutenant Governor,
appointed by the Governor General on the advice of the federal Cabinet.
The Lieutenant Governor’s powers are exercised on the advice of the
provincial cabinet, which is responsible to the legislative assembly. Each
provincial legislature is composed of a Lieutenant Governor and a legislative assembly
made up of members elected for a period of five years.”
2. Her
Majesty the Queen is the named defendant pursuant to sections 23(1) and 36 of the
Crown Liability and Proceedings Act. Some of the state actors whose duties and actions are at issue in this
action are the Prime Minister, Premiers, Governor General, Lieutenant
Governors, members of the Canadian Forces (CF), and Royal Canadian Mounted
Police (RCMP), federal and provincial Ministers of Public Safety, Ministers of
Justice, Ministers of Finance, Speakers, Clerks, Sergeants-at-Arms and any
other person acting as Aide-de-Camp providing security within and around the
House of Commons, the legislative assemblies or acting as security for other federal,
provincial and municipal properties.
3. Her
Majesty the Queen’s servants the RCMP
whose mandate is to serve and protect Canadian citizens and assist in the
security of parliamentary properties and the protection of public officials
should not deny a correspondence from a former Deputy Prime Minister who was
appointed to be Canada’s first Minister of Public Safety in order to oversee
the RCMP and their cohorts. The letter that
helped to raise the ire of a fellow Canadian citizen who had never voted in his
life to run for public office four times thus far is quoted as follows:
“Mr. David R. Amos Jan 3rd, 2004
153Alvin Avenue
Milton, MA U.S.A. 02186
Dear Mr. Amos
Thank you for your letter of November 19th,
2003, addressed to
my predecessor, the Honourble
Wayne Easter, regarding your safety.
I apologize for the delay in
responding.
If you have any concerns about your
personal safety, I can only
suggest that you contact the
police of local jurisdiction. In addition, any
evidence of criminal activity
should be brought to their attention since the
police are in the best position
to evaluate the information and take action
as deemed appropriate.
I trust that this information is
satisfactory.
Yours sincerely
A. Anne McLellan”
4. DAVID RAYMOND AMOS (Plaintiff),
a Canadian Citizen and the first Chief of the Amos Clan, was born in Sackville, New
Brunswick (NB) on July 17th, 1952.
5. The Plaintiff claims
standing in this action as a citizen whose human rights and democratic
interests are to be protected by due performance of the obligations of Canada’s
public officials who are either elected or appointed and all servants of the
Crown whose mandate is to secure the public safety, protect public interests
and to uphold and enforce the rule of law. The Crown affirms his right to seek
relief for offences to his rights under section 24(1) of the Canadian
Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Charter).
Paragraphs 6 to
13 explain the delay in bringing this action before Federal Court and
paragraphs 25 to 88 explain this matter.
6. The Plaintiff states that
pursuant to the democratic rights found in Section 3 of the Charter he was a
candidate in the elections of the membership of the 38th and 39th
Parliaments in the House of Commons and a candidate in the elections of the
memberships of the legislative assemblies in Nova Scotia (NS) and NB in 2006.
7. The Plaintiff states that if
he is successful in finding a Chartered Accountant to audit his records as per
the rules of Elections Canada, he will attempt to become a candidate in the
election of the membership of the 42nd Parliament.
8. The Plaintiff states that beginning
in January of 2002, he made many members of the RCMP and many members of the
corporate media including employees of a Crown Corporation, the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation (CBC) well aware of the reason why he planned to return to Canada
and become a candidate in the next federal election. In May of 2004, all
members seated in the 37th Parliament before the writ was dropped
for the election of the 38th Parliament and several members of the
legislative assemblies of NB and Newfoundland and Labrador (NL) knew the reason
is the ongoing rampant public corruption. Evidence of the Plaintiff’s concerns
can be found within his documents that the Office of the Governor General acknowledged were in
its possession ten years ago before the Speech from the Throne in 2004. The
Governor General’s letter is as follows:
“September 11th,
2004
Dear Mr. Amos,
On behalf of Her Excellency the
Right Honourable Adrienne Clarkson,
I acknowledge receipt of two sets of
documents and CD regarding corruption,
one
received from you directly, and the other forwarded to us by the Office of
the
Lieutenant Governor of New Brunswick.
I regret to inform you that the Governor
General cannot intervene in
matters that are the responsibility of
elected officials and courts of Justice of
Canada. You already contacted the various
provincial authorities regarding
your concerns, and these were the appropriate
steps to take.
Yours sincerely.
Renee Blanchet
Office of the Secretary
to the Governor General”
9. The
Plaintiff states that the documents contain proof that the Crown by way of the
RCMP and the Minister of Public Safety/Deputy Prime Minister knew that he was
the whistleblower offering his assistance to Maher Arar and his lawyers in the
USA. The Governor General acknowledged his concerns about the subject of this
complaint and affirmed that the proper provincial authorities were contacted
but ignored the Plaintiff’s faxes and email to the RCMP and the Solicitor
General in November of 2003 and his tracked US Mail to the Solicitor General
and the Commissioner of the RCMP by way of the Department of Foreign Affairs
and International Trade (DFAIT) in December of 2003 and the response he
received from the Minister of Public Safety/Deputy Prime Minister in early
2004. One document was irrefutable proof that there was no need whatsoever to
create a Commission of Inquiry into Maher Arar concerns at about the same point
in time. That document is a letter from the US Department of Homeland Security
(DHS) Office Inspector General (OIG complaint no. C04-01448) admitting contact
with his office on November 21, 2003 within days of the Plaintiff talking to
the office of Canada’s Solicitor General while he met with the US Attorney
General and one day after the former Attorney General of New York (NY) and the
former General Counsel of the SEC testified at a public hearing before the US
Senate Banking Committee about investigations of the mutual fund industry.
10. The
Plaintiff states that another document that the Plaintiff received during the
election of the 39th Parliament further supported the fact he was a
whistleblower about financial crimes. In December of 2006 a member of the RCMP was
ethical enough to admit that he understood the Plaintiff’s concerns and
forwarded his response to the acting Commissioner of the RCMP and others
including a NB Cabinet Minister Michael B. Murphy QC. The Crown is well
aware that any member sitting in the last days of the 37th
Parliament through to the end of the 41st Parliament could have
stood in the House of Commons and asked the Speaker if the Crown was aware of
the Plaintiff’s actions. All parliamentarians should have wondered why his
concerns and that of Mr. Arar’s were not heard by a committee within the House
of Commons in early 2004. Instead, the Crown created an expensive Commission to
delay the Arar matter while he sued the governments of Canada and the USA and
his wife ran in the election of the 38th Parliament. In 2007, Arar received a $10-million settlement from
the Crown and the Prime Minister gave him an official apology yet the US
government has never admitted fault. A month after the writ was dropped for the
election of the 42nd Parliament and CBC is reporting Syrian concerns
constantly, Mr. Arar’s lawyer announced that the RCMP will
attempt to extradite a Syrian intelligence officer because it had laid a charge in absentia and a Canada-wide
warrant and Interpol notice were issued. The Plaintiff considers such news
to be politicking practiced by the Minister of Public Safety. He noticed the
usually outspoken Mr. Arar made no comment but his politically active wife had
lots to say on CBC. Meanwhile, the RCMP continues
to bar a fellow citizen from parliamentary properties because he exercised the
same democratic rights after he had offered his support to Arar by way of his
American lawyers. The aforementioned letter about financial crimes was from the
Inspector General for Tax Administration in the US Department of the Treasury. Mr
Arar’s lawyers, the RCMP, the Canadian Revenue Agency and the US Internal
Revenue Service still refuse to even admit TIGTA complaint no. 071-0512-0055-C
exists. However, the Commissioner of Federal Court, the Queen’s Privy Council
Office and other agencies were made well aware of it before the Speech from the
Throne in 2006.
11. The
Plaintiff states that from June 24, 2004 until the day he signed this complaint
he has diligently tried to resolve the breach of his rights under the Charter
that are the subject of this complaint with any public official in Canada whom
he believed had the mandate or the ability to request that the Crown
investigate and correct the malicious actions and inactions of the RCMP,
Sergeants-at-Arms and Aides-de-Camp in all jurisdictions. Until June 16, 2006
the Plaintiff did not have irrefutable proof to support this complaint. Time
did not permit him to address it immediately in Federal Court in 2006 because
his slate was full. For instance on June 16, 2006 while dealing with deeply
troubling private family matters, he was running against the Attorney General
for his seat in the NS provincial election while arguing members of the RCMP
about strange calls he got from someone in Ottawa who claimed the Department of
Public Safety as her client, dealing with many liberal party members who were
about to witness in Moncton NB the first debate of all those who wished to
become their new leader, assisting a farmer in his attempt to get some authority
to properly investigate the demise of his cattle and discussing with members of
the Saint John NB City Council the actions of a sergeant in the Saint John
Police Force who was calling friends of the Plaintiff and claiming that he was
drug dealing member of a bike gang that they should stay away from while he was
preparing to intervene in pipeline matter that was about to heard by the
National Energy Board in Saint John .
12. The
Plaintiff states that in April of 2007 he wrote a complaint about this matter
and returned to the Capital District of NB in order to file it and argue the Crown
before the Federal Court if it did not wish to settle. A clerk of this court
informed him that his complaint was not composed correctly, so he began to
rewrite this complaint. However, as soon as it was known what the Plaintiff was
about to file he was subject to further police harassment and his family began
to suffer from constant slander, sexual harassment and death threats on the
Internet and on the telephone that continues to this very day while the RCMP,
the FBI and many other law enforcement authorities continue to ignored the
obvious evidence of cybercrime practiced against many people including his
minor children.
13. The
Plaintiff states that the Crown’s only response has been further harassment by
the RCMP including false arrest and imprisonment and theft of his property by
the Fredericton Police Force supported by other law enforcement authorities in
Canada and the USA. The Governor General has had the Plaintiff’s documents for
over ten years to study. The Crown now has one of the complaints that the RCMP
has been delaying since 2003. It is as follows:
The Complaint
14. The
Plaintiff states that on June 24, 2004 during the election of the membership of the 38th
Parliament the Crown breached his right to peaceful assembly and
association under Section 2(c) and (d) of the Charter. The Sergeant-at-Arms of
the Legislative Assembly of NB (a former member of the RCMP) supported by the
Fredericton Police Force (FPF), the Corps of Commissionaires (COC) and at least
one RCMP officer acting as Aide-de-Camp to the NB Lieutenant Governor barred
the Plaintiff under threat of arrest from the legislative properties in NB.
15. The
Plaintiff states that whereas the Crown refused to put anything in writing to
either confirm or deny that he was in fact barred from the legislative
properties in NB, he returned to the public property whenever he deemed it
necessary to do so as he ran for public office three more times. For example,
when the Plaintiff was a candidate in the election of the 39th
Parliament for the riding of Fredericton, he was asked to come into the
legislative building of NB to record a live interview for an Atlantic
Television (ATV) news cast shortly before polling day. On that occasion, the
Sergeant-at-Arms and his Aides-de-Camp did not attempt to bar the Plaintiff
from access to legislative property quite possibly because they did not wish
their actions to be recorded by ATV. However, the Crown made matters worse in
short order. CBC barred the Plaintiff from an all-candidates’ debate on the
University of New Brunswick (UNB) campus and on polling day two District
Returning Officers on the UNB campus after viewing identification threatened to
have the Plaintiff arrested stating that they did not believe he was on the
ballot.
16. The
Plaintiff states that the NB Sergeant-at-Arms continued with his threat of
arrest after the election 39th Parliament. In response, the
Plaintiff challenged the Sergeant-at-Arms to either put his threat in writing
or arrest him so he could at least argue the Crown about the offences against
his rights under the Charter.
17. The
Plaintiff states that on June 16th, 2006 he was on a sidewalk on
Queen Street in Fredericton NB waiting for a friend who was meeting with the Premier
of NB and others inside the legislative assembly building. Within minutes of
his arrival the Sergeant-at-Arms and two members of the FPF marched out of the
building and served a signed document barring him from public places overseen
by the Crown because some unnamed parties found him in ”Contempt of the House”. The Sergeant-at-Arms then ordered the
Plaintiff off legislative property. When the Plaintiff pointed out that he was
not on legislative property but on a sidewalk on Queen Street, the
Sergeant-at-Arms claimed that his jurisdiction extended to the middle of the street.
The two members of the FPF identified themselves and agreed that if the
Plaintiff did not cross the street they would arrest him.
18. The
Plaintiff states that after he crossed Queen Street he took a photograph of the
Sergeant-at-Arms and the FPF marching back into the building to prove date and
time of their malice. He sent a photograph of their barring notice to many
people particularly liberal party members gathering in Moncton, NB that day to
hear a debate by those who wished to replace the former Prime Minister as their
party leader. It was important to do so because a liberal mandate created the
Charter in 1982 compelling all New Brunswickers including the Sergeant-at-Arms
and the police to abide the law within Canada’s only bilingual province. Any citizen
or public official who understands the Charter and received a copy of the
barring notice should have noticed the Crown had barred a citizen from the
legislative properties in NB in only one official language. No police officer
or politician or Language Commissioner at either a federal or provincial level ever
responded to any inquiry about that fact. The Sergeant-at-Arms of NB did
acknowledge the receipt of a copy of his barring notice years later but he did
so in French only.
19. The
Plaintiff states that the NB Sergeant-at-Arms and his cohorts in the FPF, RCMP
and the COC are well aware that as soon as the Plaintiff’s friend came out of
legislative building on June 16, 2006, he was given the barring notice to take
back inside in order to inquire about it and the reasons behind it. The COC are
clearly named at the bottom of the document yet the Commissionaires and all the
politicians he encountered that day claimed that they were not allowed to
discuss the barring notice and never would ever since. The Plaintiff finds that the police, politicians and bureaucrats
etc. are maintaining their oath to the Crown rather than uphold the law and
Sections 2(c) (d), 16(2), 18(2) and 20(2) of the Charter
and are relying on the Crown’s
legal counsel to stop him from seeking relief.
20. The
Plaintiff states that the RCMP and the members of the FPF who harassed the
Plaintiff in September of 2006 while he was a candidate in the NB provincial
election would not explain why the NB Sergeant-at-Arms and the COC had barred
him with a document written in English only or why it was not published in the
Royal Gazette. Members of the FPF who violated the Plaintiff’s privacy trying
to read an email that he was composing on a laptop within his car parked on
private property refused to explain why they thought they had the right do so
as they attempted to interrogate him without a warrant or due process of law. Members
of the FPF refused to take the same documents the RCMP had so that their major
crimes unit could finally investigate after they demanded that the Plaintiff
identify himself so they could check for warrants for his arrest. The FPF would
not discuss what they would do if he returned to the UNB campus or if he parked
a vehicle and put money in a parking meter on the side of Queen Street claimed
by the Sergeant-at-Arms. In February of 2007 after a Cabinet Minister of NB acknowledged his concerns
with the RCMP, his children took pictures of the Plaintiff standing on
the legislative property and the Sergeant-at-Arms and the FPF did nothing that
day. However, the police harassment got worse afterwards. The FPF tried to call
him a criminal while the Plaintiff waited for answers before he argued the Crown
in court about his property that the FPF had illegally seized. The text of two
emails that the Crown and the FPF sent in 2007 are as follows:
“Date:
Tue, 30 Jan 2007 12:02:35 -0400
From: "Murphy, Michael B. \(DH/MS\)" MichaelB.Murphy@gnb.ca
To: motomaniac_02186@yahoo.com
From: "Murphy, Michael B. \(DH/MS\)" MichaelB.Murphy@gnb.ca
To: motomaniac_02186@yahoo.com
Subject:
January 30, 2007
WITHOUT PREJUDICE
Mr. David Amos
Dear Mr. Amos:
This will acknowledge receipt of a copy of your e-mail of December
29, 2006 to Corporal Warren McBeath
of the RCMP. Because of the
nature of the allegations
made in your message, I have taken the
measure of forwarding a
copy to Assistant Commissioner Steve Graham
of the RCMP “J” Division in
Fredericton .
Sincerely,
Honourable Michael B. Murphy
Minister of Health”
AND
“From: “Lafleur, Lou”
lou.lafleur@fredericton.ca
To: motomaniac_02186@yahoo.com,
Subject: Fredericton Police Force
Date: Mon, 11 Jun 2007 15:21:13 -0300
To: motomaniac_02186@yahoo.com,
Subject: Fredericton Police Force
Date: Mon, 11 Jun 2007 15:21:13 -0300
Dear Mr. Amos
My Name is Lou LaFleur and I am a Detective with the Fredericton Police
Major Crime Unit. I would like to talk to you regarding files that I am investigating
and that you are alleged to have involvement in.
Please call me at your earliest
convenience and leave a message and a phone number on my secure and
confidential line if I am not in my office.
yours truly,
Cpl. Lou LaFleur
Fredericton Police Force
311 Queen St.
Fredericton, NB
506-460-2332
Fredericton Police Force
311 Queen St.
Fredericton, NB
506-460-2332
21. The
Plaintiff states that by September of 2007, he was told by police officers and
others that he
was barred from the town of Woodstock, the House of Commons, the National Capital District including
Rideau Hall and the University of Ottawa, the Capital District of NB
including the Lieutenant Governor’s residence and the University of NB, all
other legislative properties in Canada and that a photograph of him was posted
inside the NB legislative building, the Fredericton airport and at least one
mining property guarded by the Corps of Commissionaires.
22. The
Plaintiff states that on or about September 13, 2007 during a conversation with
the office of the Speaker of the House of Commons he was referred to the
Sergeant-at-Arms in order to find out if the Plaintiff was truly barred from
the House of Commons and if he had been sent an answer to the documentation the
Speaker and the government of Iceland received in May of 2006. The
Sergeant-at-Arms was apparently well aware of his concerns because he said he
knew the Plaintiff from a past life and quickly hung up the telephone. The
Sergeant-at-Arms never did answer the Plaintiff and ignored all his contacts
ever since.
23. The
Plaintiff states that the odd response from Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of
Commons caused him to research how they knew each other. The public record
states that in June of 2005 the RCMP officer acting as Aide-de-Camp to the NB
Lieutenant Governor retired and joined the House of Commons as Director of
Security Operations. On September 1, 2006, he became the Sergeant-at-Arms of
the House of Commons. Therefore, because of all three of his positions from
June of 2004 to December of 2014, the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Commons
must have agreed and seconded his fellow Sergeant-at-Arms in NB and his threats
to arrest Plaintiff if he reappeared on parliamentary property.
24. The
Plaintiff states that with regards to this complaint about being illegally
barred from parliamentary properties, the most recent contact from the Crown
was the three members of the RCMP who harassed the Plaintiff at 1:30 AM on
December 16, 2014 not long after he had received an email from a former CSIS
agent who is the current Sergeant-at-Arms of the legislative assembly of
Alberta.
The Facts of this Matter
25. The
Plaintiff states that on June 24, 2004 within minutes of his being barred, the
Sergeant-at-Arms, two members of the FPF and one Commissionaire witnessed him
deliver a large number of documents to the attention of two lawyers in the
office of the opposition next door. He suspects that the Sergeant-at-Arms read at
least the cover letter when his documents were in his care because to support
his right to bar a citizen in front two members of the FPF he falsely accused
the Plaintiff of attempting to serve documents while in the legislative
building.
26. The
Plaintiff states that within the hour of being barred, the Plaintiff visited
the headquarters of the FPF and attempted to meet with its Chief in order to
discuss the false allegations and the threat of arrest. Whereas a Corporal
denied access to his Chief, the Plaintiff contacted the City Solicitor of
Fredericton because he knew him personally in younger days. After waiting one
week for someone to get back to him, the Plaintiff visited the constituency
office of the Premier and the law office of a former Premier of NB and gave
them many documents with the same cover letter addressing his concern about
being barred from the legislative properties amongst other issues. One month
later the Attorney General of NB sent an answer similar to what the Deputy
Prime Minister sent eight months earlier telling him to take up his concerns
with the police and ignored the issue of a citizen being barred and threatened
by the police. A lawyer acting as the NB Ombudsman did not wish deal with the
government on his behalf suggested that the Plaintiff take up his concerns with
the New Brunswick Police Commission (NBPC) and introduced them. The Plaintiff,
his wife and a lawyer met with the NBPC. The NBPC acknowledged the complaint and
asked the FPF to investigate their questionable actions. In the eleven years
since the NBPC never responded and the Plaintiff knows why. The NBPC and
Governor General have many of his documents and one is a letter to the
Commissioner of the RCMP. The Plaintiff is well aware the Chair of the NBPC in
2004 was also the Chief Coroner whom he testified before on July 15, 1982 and
he clearly informed the Crown he assisted in a successful civil lawsuit against
the RCMP about a wrongful death.
27. The
Plaintiff states that the Sergeant-at-Arms, two Commissionaires, a librarian, and
two members of the FPF knew that the Plaintiff was in legislative assembly on June
24, 2004 looking for the “blogger” Charles Leblanc. While the Plaintiff was waiting for Charles
Leblanc to arrive that day he exercised his democratic right to witness the
proceedings of the Legislative Assembly from the gallery.
28. The
Plaintiff states that apparently a friend of the Crown put a new spin on this
matter the following day. The Crown’s corporate media has never said anything
about the Crown’s malicious actions barring him it has had lots to say about
the barring the blogger Charles Leblanc two years later and it has made the
arrests and prosecutions of him well known. On June 25, 2004 Charles Leblanc a
well-known friend of the MLAs, the Sergeant-at-Arms, the Commissionaires, the
RCMP and the Fredericton Police Force falsely reported in the social media that
the Plaintiff had been “shown the door”
claiming that he had attempted to interrupt the proceedings in the Legislature
by speaking from the gallery. The Crown knows if that were true it would have
been recorded in the legislative records. The words of Charles Leblanc an
important witness to be called to testify as to what he knows about this matter
are as follows
“IS ELVY ROBICHAID SEEING THE LIGHT????
by Charles LeBlanc Friday, Jun. 25, 2004 at 10:56 AM
Fredericton updates from Charles
“IS ELVY ROBICHAID SEEING THE LIGHT????
by Charles LeBlanc Friday, Jun. 25, 2004 at 10:56 AM
Fredericton updates from Charles
“There’s
always undercovers cops around but only when the House is in session. As God as my witness I hope nothing happens
but it’s just a matter of time till someone is push over the edge. I guess a
guy name David Amos was shown the door yesterday at the Legislature. This guy
is running as an Independent candidate in the riding of Fundy Royal. I met the
guy over the net and he has a beef with our political bureaucrats. I admire
people fighting for what they believe in but you can’t get carried away. I
guess in this case? He wanted to speak from the Gallery and that’s a big faux
pas!”
29. The
Plaintiff states that he was not surprised that for the benefit of his
political opponents, servants of the Crown would practice such malice against a
citizen seeking public office. Three weeks before the Plaintiff was barred in
2004 Elections Canada’s lawyers waited until the very last minute to admit that
section 3 of the Charter existed and that it affirmed his right
to run as an Independent.
30. The
Plaintiff states that he has studied the actions of journalists, politicians
and their lawyers for many years and has argued many. He has no doubt that
during the time of a federal election the Crown would not have barred any
member of a wealthy well known political party from any parliamentary property
in Canada without dealing with a Charter argument in court and a host of
journalists almost immediately. With that in mind the Plaintiff gathered the
evidence to support this claim and waited until the CBC reported that the Prime
Minister had asked the Governor General to drop a writ. Now history tells us
all that the writ has been dropped early in order for the Prime Minister to
cause the most expensive and one of the longest federal elections in the
history of Canada on a date mandated by a law that his wealthy political party
created for its benefit. Now that the stock markets are in a turmoil again the
Office of the Inspector General of the SEC is acknowledging the Plaintiff’s
emails but only after they were made aware that he received an ethical answer
from a global organization that oversees auditors. Recent events have proven to
the Plaintiff that it is important that he file this action in Federal Court as
soon as possible in order see if the Harer government wishes to continue
barring him from parliamentary property before polling day.
31. The
Plaintiff states that during the election of the 38th Parliament not
one of the employees of the CBC denied the fact that it had acted in a deliberate
partisan fashion and ignored the Crown Corporation’s mandate. CBC reported that
there were five candidates on the ballot in Fundy but failed to name the Plaintiff
in their website or on the television and the radio. Nothing surprised the
Plaintiff about the actions of the CBC but they should not have laughed at him
when he pointed out other citizens should be afforded equal opportunity to hear
of him.
32. The
Plaintiff states that many politicians knew that the CBC had hard copy of two
lawsuits of his since 2002 and their journalists had been laughing at him for
two years. It was a profound mistake for CBC to ignore his candidacy now that he did as he promised in a statement of
one lawsuit and was running for public office in Canada. As CBC continued serving
the interests of the politicians who provided the funding sourced from the
Canadian taxpayer other citizens noticed that the CBC was ignoring his
candidacy. One journalist who had laughed at him called back and tried to make
a deal after the Plaintiff had called the Ombudsman for CBC complaining of him
and his associates only to be laughed at some more and invited to sue CBC. CBC
continued to ignore the Plaintiff even though the popular former CBC reporter
Mike Duffy was now employed by their largest corporate competitor, CTV and they
claimed Fundy was a riding to watch and at least three newspapers and even the
CBC’s blogger friend Charles Leblanc had chosen to put his strange spin the
actions and words of the Plaintiff while calling him a Hells Angel. However,
the aforementioned CBC journalist did not keep his job very long after his boss
and three directors of CBC received the very same documents and CD that the
Plaintiff’s political opponents had in their possession. (The former CBC journalist
did get a job with the government of NB and has continued with his obvious
malice ever since)
33. The
Plaintiff states that the CBC would not have ignored its mandate and the
standing of a candidate if he or she were a member of the Liberal Party or the
newly merged Conservative parties or the Bloc Quebecois Party or the Green Party
or the New Democratic Party without expecting to deal with legions of lawyers.
CBC had no legal right whatsoever to ignore the Plaintiff merely because he was
an Independent. In fact the mandate of CBC as a publicly owned broadcaster
dictates that he must not be ignored whether he be a member of a powerful
political party or not. With regards to this complaint, on June 24, 2004 there
were many journalists inside the legislative properties of NB not just CBC.
They published nothing about the Plaintiff of his running for public office or
his being barred or even after their blogger friend, Charles Leblanc certainly
did.
34. The
Plaintiff states that in June of 2006 Charles Leblanc was also barred from the
same legislative properties but not the Public Documents Building on the UNB
campus. More importantly the Sergeant-at-Arms was clever enough not to sign or
date the English only document this time. Thus Charles Leblanc who usually
demands things in French from the government when he is in trouble was never
barred at all. The CBC immediately reported the barring of Charles Leblanc
falsely claiming that the Sergeant-at-Arms had signed the Barring Notice. CBC
wrote the Sergeant-at-Arms admitted that he had barred about six others but did
not disclose as to who they were. CBC did not ask who who the other citizens were
because they knew they would have to name the Plaintiff as well. Many people
have protested the barring of Charles Leblanc and a petition to have it revoked
was placed in the public record of the legislative assembly to no avail. In
2006 Charles Leblanc was arrested in Saint John and in 2011 in Fredericton. In
2009 and 2012 the FPF arrested their blogging friend Charles Leblanc on the legislative
properties. The CBC reported each time but failed to follow up and investigate
and report why the Crown refused to charge Charles Leblanc in both instances.
The CBC knows that as soon as the Plaintiff contacted the politicians and
police to remind them that he would appreciate being called to testify at
Charles Leblanc’s trial as a hostile but ethical witness about the barring
actions of the Crown it would never go forward with the charges. Leblanc was
arrested by the FPF two other times in recent years and he is on trial right
now. The CBC knows the
Plaintiff has talked to members of the RCMP, the FPF, the Saint John Police
Force, the Miramichi Police Force and the Edmundston Police Force who were
investigating Leblanc for various reasons since 2006. The police usually denied
knowing who the Plaintiff was as they refused to answer his emails. The
Plaintiff knows the reason why Charles Leblanc was barred from legislative
property. He agrees with the Crown doing so but it failed to allow the nasty
blogger the right to due process of law just like it did with and several
others. He has never understood why the Crown has not charged Leblanc under sections
300 and 319 of the Criminal Code in lieu of arresting him
for protesting too loudly or possible child porn or trespass or punching an
equally nasty poetic beggar.
35. The
Plaintiff states that by the end of November of 2004 a lawyer in the employ of
the Attorney General of NB had answered him in writing and the FPF, two
lawyers, the Mayor and a city councilor of Fredericton had some very serious
email exchanges with the Plaintiff. The
only responses to the Plaintiff about the breach of his right to peaceful
assembly came from the (NBPC) on September 14, 2004 acknowledging his complaint
(File no 2110-04-11) and two letters byway of email from the FPF. On September
30, 2004 a Staff Sergeant of the FPF wrote that he was in possession of the
complaint and requested evidence to support the Plaintiff’s statement that he
had been barred from the legislative properties for “political reasons not legal reasons” The Plaintiff responded and
suggested that the FPF listen to the tape of the interview he had with the NBPC
and study all the evidence he gave to the NBPC in the presence of a lawyer as a
witness. The Staff Sergeant responded on October 29, 2004 stating that he had
detailed reports from fellow members of the FPF and he had interviewed the
Sergeant-at-Arms. He claimed that his fellow police officers acted
appropriately and he would inform the Chief of the FPF that he did not have
sufficient cause under the Police Act
to investigate the complaint the Plaintiff registered with the NBPC against the
FPF. The Plaintiff pointed out that the conflict of interest but grateful the
FPF acknowledged the incident. The Mayor of Fredericton found no humour in that
fact and sent the Plaintiff many emails within minutes no doubt in an effort to
overload his email account. In 2003 the Plaintiff had demanded the Crown
investigate the actions of RCMP now the RCMP should do the same with the Crown
because that para-military police force has jurisdiction everywhere in Canada
including all public and private property controlled by the Crown even military
bases. The words of the Sergeant-at-Arms, Commissionaires and police were
witnessed by only the Plaintiff. A legal action about their offences against
his rights under the Charter would boil down to their word against his. Evidence
was required because he was outnumbered and attacked by people the Crown employed
to understand the law. It was doubtful they would act ethically and until June
16, 2006 the Crown refused to put anything in writing to prove this claim about
the fact that the Plaintiff is barred from parliamentary properties.
36. The
Plaintiff states that the Crown is aware that far greater offences have been
practiced within the Capital District of NB by the FPF and the RCMP against the
Plaintiff. Many servants of the Crown have challenged him to seek relief in a Canadian
provincial court. The Plaintiff will not oblige Crown attorneys of thier
desires he will file in a court of a country at a time he chooses. Time is on
the Plaintiff’s side even though he getting old and was finally allowed to
collect his Canada Pension. His children and grandchildren are still very young.
Whatever was done against the Plaintiff was done against his Clan as well. All
of the Plaintiff’s heirs are Canadian citizens and two of them are American
citizens as well. The Crown, INTERPOL and the American law enforcement
authorities cannot deny that there is no statute of limitations on certain
crimes. The problem the Plaintiff is finding an ethical journalist to report
about the legal actions that he and the Crown have already been involved in
since 1982.
37. The
Plaintiff states that in October of 2004 if the Staff Sergeant of the FPF had
listened to the tape of his interview with the NBPC and studied the documents
they have in their possession he would not have been so quick to dismiss the
Plaintiff and his concerns in such a fashion. Their many lawyers hardly ever
allow corrupt police officers to admit that the Plaintiff exists or put their
malice towards him in writing. The Plaintiff had explained to the NBPC what
transpired on June 24th, 2004. To explain briefly the police should
have known instantly the Sergeant-at-Arms actions were for political reasons as
soon as he turned in the guest pass and picked up his documents as he stepped
outside the building. While
the Plaintiff was inside the legislative building he spoke to only three
employees two Commissionaires and the librarian. He did not interfere with the
proceedings in the House as he watched the MLAs and their assistants from the
gallery, some of whom he knew personally. He did notice political pundits in
the building. One Cabinet Minister’s assistant had been following him for a couple
of days. His political foes wanted him off the property immediately but they
knew that he was not shy of litigation if the Crown attempted to place a malicious
charge against him. Therefore they elected the Sergeant-at-Arms to try bully
the Plaintiff.
38. The Plaintiff states
that he satisfied himself as to the reasons behind the blatant malice once he
asked Sergeant-at-Arms and the police three questions as follows:
(1)
The Plaintiff first asked was why he was being barred
from the legislative property. The Sergeant-at-Arms falsely claimed in front of
the police that the Plaintiff had tried to serve documents on somebody inside
the parliamentary building. The Commissionaires and police knew that was untrue
because they all witnessed the fact that the Plaintiff had left all the documents
in his possession with the Commissionaire at the entrance before he was allowed
into the building and they all watched him pick up the same documents as he
turned in a visitor’s pass after he was asked to step outside of the building.
(2)
The second question was to the police to see
if they agreed to the false claim of the Sergeant-at-Arms and if they would
identify themselves. After the Sergeant-at-Arms said something quickly in
French and both police officers stated that they agreed with him but only one
would state his name and rank.
(3)
The Plaintiff then asked the Sergeant-at-Arms and the
police if they thought they had jurisdiction over him. They all said yes but
refused to take any documents from the Plaintiff just as the Deputy Prime
Minister suggested.
39. The
Plaintiff states that three
people who were mentioned during the aforesaid meeting with the NBPC were
Charles Leblanc, Byron Prior and the most wanted American gangster Whitey
Bulger. All three were well aware of the Plaintiff and his actions. More
importantly the NBPC were made well aware of the RCMP’s knowledge of his
possession of many American police surveillance wiretap tapes. The NBPC were
shown the very same tapes that he had promised to give to the Suffolk County
District Attorney in the Dorchester District Court of Boston Massachusetts
before a hearing to discuss an illegal summons to answer a malicious unsigned
criminal complaint (Docket no. 0407CR004623). When the Plaintiff did so he was
falsely imprisoned under the charges of “other”.
40. The
Plaintiff states that an
NBPC Commissioner did ask if they should take the original wiretap tapes. The
Plaintiff said no and that the RCMP already had some but the NBPC could make
copies of the ones before them. The NBPC declined and said they did not have
jurisdiction over the RCMP and that they only wished to investigate why the FPF
had threatened to arrest him on June 24th, 2004.
41. The Plaintiff states that
read a few legal actions involving the NBPC. He truly believes that NBPC has a
mandate to oversee the actions of the RCMP in the employ of municipalities and
the government of NB. On April 12, 2013 an employee denied that the NBPC it has
any concerns with the RCMP, so he forwarded the NBPC a judgment with an
important statement. Whenever he called the NBPC afterwards she did not allow
him to speak to anyone and denied receiving any emails even though several were
published on the Internet. The judgment pertains to Miramichi Agricultural Exhibition Association Ltd. v. Chatham (Town)
1995 CanLII 3862 (NB QB). The statement reads as follows:
“Section 20 of the Police Act authorizes the Police Commission to assess the adequacy of
each police force and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and determine whether
each municipality and the Province is discharging its responsibility for the
maintenance of an adequate level of policing.”
42. The
Plaintiff states that in 2014 a confidential letter from the lawyer who is now
the chair of the NBPC was published by Charles Leblanc. Within the aforesaid
letter by a lawyer who was an officer in the Canadian Forces when the Plaintiff
was illegally barred in 2004 explained why he and some other unnamed lawyers
claimed that the Chief of the FPF and the NBPC did not have jurisdiction over
the legislative properties in order to investigate the wrongs of the members of
FPF under the Police Act. The lawyers
claimed that whereas the police were acting under the orders of the Sergeant-at-Arms
the immunity afforded them by parliamentary privilege would be undermined if
the Chief of the FPF and the NBPC upheld the law and the Charter.
43. The
Plaintiff states that as soon as he read the aforesaid letter he had a deeper
understanding as to why the NBPC and the FPF had ignored his concerns for ten
years and have refused to answer hard copy or an email or even come to the
phone or return a call for ten years. He did manage to talk the lawyer who
wrote the letter. The lawyer just like another lawyer who was the Chair of the
NBPC since 2004 was offended that the Plaintiff would dare to call his law
office instead of the NBPC. They both knew the reason was because every time he
called the NBPC, the Commissioners and their executive directors were never
available. They definitely did not return calls or answer emails from the
Plaintiff. The assistant who had denied receiving any emails during his last
conversation with her in May of 2015 said that NBPC was never going to talk to
him again. It appears the NBPC believe that parliamentary privileges extend to
them as well. Whether or not that is true the NBPC must agree that the RCMP have
no civilian oversight whatsoever and that it is the only police force that has jurisdiction
to investigate the actions of the Crown on parliamentary properties, the
Canadian Forces and their semi-retired cohorts within the Corps of
Commissionaires. It appears to the Plaintiff that the NBPC will not investigate
the RCMP and in return the RCMP will not investigate them. However, they do
report to the Crown and the Crown answers to the citizens it purportedly serves
and protects.
44. The
Plaintiff states that claimed parliamentary privileges of public officials are
not above the rule of law just because some unnamed lawyers deem it to be so.
Some of the privileges parliamentarians lay claim to cannot be found in the
Constitution or any other Act. They are implied by longstanding parliamentary
traditions and seldom challenged in a court of law.
45. The
Plaintiff states that claimed parliamentary privileges must not be exercised
secretly by the Crown against a citizen of an open and just democracy because
he visited parliamentary properties while exercising his rights under the
Charter and attempting to unseat its political friends. He vividly recalls the
last encounter with the Sergeant-at-Arms that caused the Crown to create a “Barring Notice”.
46. The
Plaintiff states that on or about March 24th, 2006 he went to the
Office of the Conflict of Interest Commissioner of NB to give him the same
documents he had promised the Commissioner of Federal Judicial Affairs, the
Clerk of the Privy Council, Independent MP Andre Arthur, Independent MLA Tanker
O’Malley and many others. The Commissionaire guarding door would not allow him
in the building or take the documents. The Sergeant-at-Arms must have been
notified because he was soon to appear and threatened to have the Plaintiff
arrested again. He asked why this time. The Sergeant-at-Arms said he had
already been warned to stay off legislative property. The Plaintiff pointed out
the fact that he was not on the legislative property across the street but if
the Crown wished to press false charges against him the police should be called
then he would look forward to arguing the Sergeant-at-Arms in a court of law.
The Sergeant-at-Arms claimed that they were standing on parliamentary property
but did not call the police.
47. The
Plaintiff states that he then informed the Sergeant-at-Arms if he thought he
had a legal right to bar a citizen from parliamentary properties he should have
the Crown put the reasons to do so in writing just like the NBPC had demanded
of him when he complained of the Sergeant-at-Arms and the FPF about their
malevolent actions against him two years before. There was no response from the
Sergeant-at-Arms to that simple statement.
48. The
Plaintiff states that he then asked the Sergeant-at-Arms in front of witnesses
if he still thought he had jurisdiction over him on King Street and the
response was yes. So the Plaintiff gave him the documents and a CD destined for
the Conflict of Interest Commissioner and demanded an answer in writing. The
Sergeant-at-Arms took the documents but refused to sign a receipt for them. He tried
to take picture but the Sergeant-at-Arms crossed King Street and around the
corner too quickly. The
Plaintiff received no answer from Conflict of Interest Commissioner about his
concerns. He called and emailed a copy of the cover letter to the
Commissioner’s office to see if it received his documents and was ignored. The
Commissionaire watching that day knows who took the documents.
49. The
Plaintiff states that whereas there was no federal oversight of the securities
exchange business and no civilian oversight of the RCMP, he took his concerns
to the highest officials of each province who represented their governments and
the Crown. By the end of July in 2005, he emailed and called the offices of the
Premiers and Lieutenant Governors eight provinces. The Premier of Alberta did
speak to the Plaintiff after he staged a parade on Wall Street in order to
promote his province and that conversation did not go well. In early August
2005 he met the Alberta Premier’s challenge and included all provinces in their
argument. The Premiers and Lieutenant Governors received by way of their
Attorney General hard copy of many documents and a CD similar to those
acknowledged by the Governor General and the Lieutenant Governors of NB and NL
in 2004. They were sent by registered US mail (signature required). Since that
time not one Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General or Premier has responded to
the Plaintiff other than the occasional insulting email. Over the past ten years the
offices of the Attorney Generals for Nova Scotia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan,
Alberta, British Columbia and Newfoundland admitted on the telephone that his
documents are in their files. However, not one would person was willing to
explain why and who had determined his communication and evidence did not
deserve an answer. The offices of the Attorney Generals for Canada, Ontario,
Quebec and Prince Edward Island denied having anything from the Plaintiff.
Those offices could not explain how registered mail sent signature required to
their boss could get lost. Ten years later several provinces are attempting to
join with the other provinces to oversee the securities exchange business
through one corporation. The Crown must admit that corruption can be the only
reason why all the Attorney Generals in Canada would continue to ignore a
Canadian whistleblower’s documents that employees and Inspector Generals of the
US Treasury Dept. and agents of the Crown in the United Kingdom have
acknowledged beginning in January of 2002. All of the Attorney Generals of
Canada should have noticed that the Plaintiff was capable of creating and arguing
lawsuits against the Attorney General of Massachusetts and embarrassing the US
Attorney when he attempted to make the complaints illegally evaporate “Ex Parte”. This complaint proves this
statement is true.
50. The
Plaintiff states that he has had many conversations with many Canadian law
enforcement authorities etc. about his documentation etc. and he was usually
the one to make first contact. However, in 2008 he was rather surprised when
the office of the Auditor General of Canada called him on their own accord not
long after he had received a response from the Commission of Public Sector
Integrity to a complaint he made in 2007. The person who called was very
elusive about the reason the Auditor General was contacting him but he gathered
from the brief conversation someone was talking to the Commission of Public
Sector Integrity. So he called the lawyer who just sent him the very strange
response to see if she had changed her mind. She recognized the Plaintiff voice
even though it had been six months since they had talked and asked him to hold
the line. Thus the Plaintiff surmised she was expecting his call. Apparently
she was because the Plaintiff was surprised once again when a man who would not
identify himself came on the line claiming to be corporate security and
threatened to have him arrested if the Plaintiff ever called their Commission
again. The Plaintiff was not surprised to hear in late 2010 that the Auditor
General had been auditing the Commission of Public Sector Integrity. The
Plaintiff contacted the person in charge of the Freedom of Information to see
if the Auditor General had his complaint. He was not surprised to see the
Office of Auditor General claim that they did not have his file. What surprised
him was the fact that Auditor General dared to deny it in writing.
51. The
Plaintiff states that the Crown is well aware that the last responses that he
received from the Office of the Auditor General, the Privy Council Office, the
Commission of Public Complaints Against the RCMP, the Commission of Public
Sector Integrity and actions of the RCMP against the Plaintiff in 2014 and 2015
have caused him quit looking for ethical conduct to come from anyone employed
in the public service of Canada. In March of 2015 byway of an ethical lawyer in
British Columbia the Plaintiff, the Commissioner of the RCMP and his legal
department that whereas the RCMP has refused to investigate itself then it
should at least stop harassing his family and wait to this lawsuit and his next
one.
52. The
Plaintiff states that from July of 1982 until July of 2008 the wrongful actions
of the Crown and its cohorts against him were usually covert and very difficult
to prove because it typically involved the word of the several police officers
against his alone. The Crown should have noticed that amongst the documents
that the Plaintiff provided it in 2004 there are two documents from the
Attorney General of NY. One document was labeled “Re corruption” (reference no. 04/000233). The Plaintiff forwarded
the Attorney General of Canada amongst others emails containing his recent
communications in 2015 with the Attorney General of NY about that file. The
Crown should be aware that the Attorney General of NY in 2004 became the
Governor of NY and that he was arrested by the FBI in 2008 while he was outside
of his jurisdiction in the US Capital but never prosecuted for any offence. The
RCMP falsely arrested the Plaintiff when he returned to the Capital District of
NB shortly afterwards. The RCMP practiced their wrongs on private property without
a warrant or due process of law and never placed any charges against the
Plaintiff as well. The downturn of the stock market in NY within months of both
arrests caused a major worldwide recession. On October 8, 2008 the Plaintiff
finally received an answer from the Prime Minister of Iceland whose Canadian
Ambassador received exactly the same documents the Speaker in the House of
Commons received in May of 2006 that his Sergeant-At- Arms refused to answer.
In December of 2008 Bernie Madoff was arrested by the FBI in NY and by March of
2008 the US Attorney in NY and the SEC in
Washington admitted in writing that the Plaintiff was involved in the Madoff
matter and that his documents had been filed under seal and against the
Plaintiff’s wishes. On September 8, 2015, the Office of the Inspector General
of the SEC sent the Plaintiff and email suggesting that the Plaintiff file a
new complaint within their website. The Plaintiff was quick to inform the SEC
and many law enforcement authorities in Canada of his indignation as the news
broke about the possible criminal actions of KPMG, the very auditors he was
complaining of with regards to his family’s interests and the Madoff matter.
The Plaintiff as usual has been ignored as of this date. However the Plaintiff
has noticed a sudden upturn in visits to websites where his words and work are
published. It is no coincidence.
53. The Plaintiff states that
the Crown cannot deny that the Arar matter proved that the Canadian and
American law enforcement authorities have had an agreement to share their
questionable information and that Canadians do suffer from their unconfirmed
suspicions. The very same law enforcement authorities attacked a whistleblower
when he gave them irrefutable evidence to cause an investigation of their
wrongs. A recent judgment of the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC), Wakeling v United States of
America, 2014 SCC 72, allows the RCMP to share
their surveillance wiretap tapes of Canadian citizens with Americans. However,
the RCMP and the FBI etc. do not wish to deal with American wiretap tapes of a
mob that definitely practices its crimes across many borders. The lawyer
working for the Plaintiff’s wife in a sincere effort to see justice served sent
several of the original wiretap tapes to a US Senator who was a chair of the US
Judiciary Committee after polling day for the election of the 39th
Parliament. The lawyer did so on or about day the Governor General witnessed
the first Conservative Cabinet Ministers of the current Canadian government
swear an oath to the Crown. The Plaintiff sent proof of this statement to many
members of the 39th Parliament before a confidence vote on its first
budget. An opposition member acknowledged it but ignored it and only answered
in a fashion that his opinions about sending the Canadian Forces into combat
agreed with the Plaintiff’s.
54. The Plaintiff states that
the Crown is well aware that until July 15th, 1982 the Plaintiff
held a great respect for her servants in the RCMP. The Crown cannot deny that
he explained the reasons for his change of mind with regards to the RCMP in his
communications to the Commissioner of the RCMP, the FBI, the US Treasury
Department and the Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International
Trade (DFAIT) amongst many others byway of fax and certified US Mail in
November and December of 2003. As the Plaintiff stated in paragraph 3 his ire
was raised when the Deputy Prime Minister chose to acknowledge his concerns
only after he received acknowledgment of a complaint on file with the US
Department of Homeland Security.
55. The Plaintiff states that he
knew in September of 2004 that the Crown and the Americans were never going to
uphold the law in regards to his concerns as he saw his tracked US Mail to
DFAIT being forwarded elsewhere and his tracked mail to the RCMP evaporated
from the Canada Post records. Furthermore his home phone line was cut right
after Byron Prior notified him he was being much harassed and his American
lawyer Barry Bachrach called to say that recent actions of the FBI and others had
frightened him and that for the benefit of his family he was staying away from
the Plaintiff and not going to court with on October 1, 2004. The Plaintiff
expecting foul play prepared his wife to notify his Septs who held his Durable
Power of Attorney and to visit Josie Maguire, the same person in the Canadian
Consulate in Boston whom he sent his documents to on December 16, 2003. On
October 1, 2004 a judge acted ethically and recused himself after witnessing
the Plaintiff sign an affidavit and file it in the docket of the court along
with hundreds of supporting documents proving the malicious prosecution by a
layman clerk with no mandate to create a criminal prosecution. On September 3,
2003, the Plaintiff gave the police surveillance wiretap tapes that he
had shown to the NBPC to the Suffolk County District Attorney before he stood
before a sub municipal court to demand that it prove jurisdiction to hear a
criminal prosecution involving a prison term and what right did a clerk have to
summon a Canadian citizen across an international border to answer unknown
criminal charges after the Boston Police would not discuss anything with him
and the District Attorney claimed in writing that they were not involved in the
matter. The court then changed its plan and he was called before another judge
who read the affidavit and immediately sent the Plaintiff to jail held under
the charges of “other” in solitary
confinement with no chance of bail. The actions of the Plaintiff’s wife in
Boston and his Septs in Canada caused a member of the RCMP and Josie Maguire to
meet with him inside the American jail to advise him that they could not help
him and because he must obey the laws of other countries he visits and then
gave him an amazing document signed by a judge that had been faxed to them by
the very clerk who had him falsely imprisoned.
56. The Plaintiff states that in
response he thanked the Crown’s representatives in the USA for the proof of
malice and showed them a faxed copy of the letter from the Governor General dated
September 11, 2004 that he had received just before his home phone line was
cut. He informed them that perhaps the Crown should expect a few lawsuits
against it in Canada and the USA then dismissed them.
57. The Plaintiff states that
the Crown and the Americans have always demanded that the Plaintiff keep his
interactions in confidence with the RCMP, the FBI, the US Treasury Dept. and
other secretive law enforcement authorities. The Plaintiff as a whistleblower
about financial crimes proved that he did keep his concerns with the federal
agents in Canada and the USA in confidence until Canada Day 2002 when he began
filing his exhibits supporting two lawsuits in an American court. He continued
to keep in confidence with the FBI the fact that he was in possession of
hundreds of police surveillance wiretap tapes until April 1, 2003 when the US
Secret Service and the Milton Police Department appeared at his door in the
middle of the night with false allegations of a presidential threat and
threatening extraordinary rendition because the Plaintiff was a foreign
national just like Maher Arar. The Plaintiff called the RCMP headquarters the
following day to inquire if they were informed about the visit the night before
by the Secret Service. Some lady who claimed she was a lawyer said the RCMP
knew all about the Plaintiff. She hung the phone when she was asked if the RCMP
had listened to the police surveillance wiretap tapes he had given to the FBI.
The conversation with the RCMP lawyer caused the Plaintiff to begin sharing a
true copy of only one wiretap tape with hundreds of members of the bar and
other law enforcement authorities in Canada and the USA. He has received an
incredible number of incompetent responses. He only sent a few of the responses
with the Crown thus far. There are many more.
58. The Plaintiff states that it
is important to inform the Federal Court what is on the CD that the Governor
General’s office acknowledged having two copies of in paragraph 8. It is a true
copy of an American police surveillance wiretap tape.
59. The Plaintiff states that in
his opinion he sees no harm in it being heard in public in Federal Court. He
published copies of it in two American Internet domains in 2008 after the RCMP
falsely arrested him and attempted to have him certified as mentally ill. The
actions of the RCMP caused the Crown to have the problem the American’s have
had since 2004 when they tried the same malicious trick rather than uphold the
law. The problem is that the Plaintiff’s health has no bearing on irrefutable hard
evidence. He should not be in possession of police surveillance wiretap tapes
that offend the civil rights of many American citizens. With regards to this
complaint about being illegally barred from parliamentary properties, the
plaintiff must point out that the Commissioner of the RCMP and the Minister of
Public Safety knew of the American police surveillance wiretap tapes in 2003.
Furthermore in 2004 the RCMP and a catholic priest had several original wiretap
tapes and the FPF, the NBPC, many members of the bar and public officials
received a true copy of CDs the Governor General acknowledged before the
Plaintiff was falsely imprisoned in the USA. The aforesaid problem is getting
worse because every day more people around the world are aware of the wiretap
tapes and two of the tapes have been downloaded a number of times by unknown
parties. The Plaintiff cannot take them back even if he wanted to. The public
has always taken far more interest about what is recorded on the wiretap tapes
than his whistleblowing efforts about financial crimes but that could change
anytime. Sooner or later someone will recognize who the people recorded on the
tapes are and it may generate many lawsuits in the USA without involving the
Plaintiff but has many more he has yet to reveal. The Plaintiff still has a
number of wiretap tapes in his possession and several were stolen by the FPF
along with his motorcycle. Other tapes are scattered about in Canada and the
USA with people he trusts far more than any member of the RCMP or the FBI.
Others tapes are hidden. Many of the wiretap tapes were no longer in the
Plaintiff’s possession for over ten years. He made certain no one gave him any
idea as to where most of the wiretap tapes are hidden but he secured the proof
of the wiretap tapes he had given to the RCMP and various law enforcement
authorities placed in the public record of American courts and that his former
lawyer sent to a US Senator.
60. The Plaintiff states that
before he left the USA, the Plaintiff made the people he trusts far more than
any other Yankee promise that the tapes would surface if his American family
were in jeopardy. It was no longer safe for a family to live with its father in
the USA or Canada, too many corrupt law enforcement authorities and lawyers
working for mobsters knew he had the wiretap tapes. It was not his fault that
his family lost their interests because of the illegal actions of family
lawyers and their friends within the justice system. The Plaintiff did the best
he could in his Clan’s defence of their homes and interests. He will die with a
clear conscience about that fact. However, he knew if his Clan suffered in any
fashion because of his actions trying to compel the RCMP and FBI to act
ethically it would be his fault because he knew the federal agents in Canada
and the USA were infinitely corrupt since 1982 when they began to call him a
drug dealer etc.
61. The Plaintiff states that he
and his wife agree that they should have moved to Canada as they planned when
they wed in 1991 but it was a common decision to stay put in the USA. Simply
put, the wiretap tapes that put his Clan in jeopardy also offered the only way
that a proud but bankrupt father could protect his Clan in his forced absence
from the people he loves far more than life itself. Eleven years later quite a
number of the Yankee mobsters and their lawyers are now dead or imprisoned.
More importantly, the Plaintiff’s children are now adults and live separately.
The Plaintiff sees no need to keep any of the wiretap tapes in confidence anymore.
After the election of the 42nd Parliament, he will begin publishing
more wiretap tapes in the public domain. He will copyright them and consider
them a form of entertainment about true history of the mob and offer them for
sale. Any settlement of any future lawsuit about his knowledge of financial
crimes and his Clan’s stolen assets will be for their benefit and that of their
children. Their lawyers will need their father’s records in order to assist
them to that end. The Crown must understand that this complaint is one many
actions that are part of his records. The wiretap tapes insure that there will
be no statute of limitations. With
regards to this complaint, the Plaintiff reminds the Crown of paragraph 48 and
the Sergeant-at-Arms took a CD and documents.
62. The
Plaintiff states that the Clerk of Federal Court in the Capital District of NB
for reasons he will never understand mailed the documents back to him instead
of mailing them to the Commissioner of Federal Judicial Affairs who was
expecting them. So the Plaintiff called that Commissioner’s office and then
emailed a digital copy of the cover letter and the clerk’s response and was
ignored as well.
63. The
Plaintiff states that with regards to this complaint the Crown should obey
Section 18(2) of the Charter and serve the document in two official languages. The
“Barring Notice” should state who,
when and why he was found to be in “Contempt
of the House”. The Crown should not try to intimidate a citizen with a
threat of arrest for an implied breach of a contract about trespass on public
property not agreed to by him. The Crown should have published a proper “Barring Notice” in the Royal Gazette so
that all Canadians could read it before attempting to arrest and charge any
citizen for exercising his right to freedom of assembly in and around the most
important public properties of all Canada.
64. The Plaintiff states
that in 2004 during his research of the Crown barring citizens from parliamentary
property, he found mention of Louis Riel being barred from the House of Commons
despite the fact he had been democratically elected to the membership therein.
However, the Plaintiff could not find anything within the Charter or the Constitution
Act, 1967 or the Parliament of Canada
Act, or the Criminal Code about how the Crown could take such an action against
a citizen who had not been charged and found guilty with breaking an applicable
law first. He
recorded his opinion of the Crown barring citizens within the cover letters
accompanying the documents sent to the Governor General, the Prime Minister, a
Canadian Senator, the Arar Inquiry, the Chief Electoral Officer of Canada, the
Premier, Attorney General, Speaker of the House and Lieutenant Governor of NB,
and the Premier and Lieutenant Governor of Newfoundland and Labrador (NL) and
many others. All the public officials ignored the subject of barring.
65. The
Plaintiff states that in the summer of 2004 Byron Prior a Canadian citizen told
the Plaintiff that he too was barred under threat of arrest from the legislative
building of NL. Many parliamentarians knew that the Plaintiff supported Byron
Prior’s pursuit of justice but he did not share his support of two newly merged
federal Conservative parties. In return Byron Prior did not support his
candidacy in the election of the 38th Parliament. They remained
friends until April of 2005. They did not consider Byron Prior’s barring a
coincidence so they decided to include Byron Prior in the Plaintiff’s matters
in order to show their support of each other’s concerns about justice for their
families. The Plaintiff has monitored Byron Prior’s actions ever since although
they are no longer friends. Byron Prior enjoyed receiving a copy of one
response in particular and he and his associates used copies of some the
Plaintiff’s documents within at least five legal actions.
66. The
Plaintiff states that the response from the Lieutenant Governor of NL is
contrary to the opinions of the Deputy Prime Minister of Canada and the
Attorney General of NB. Clearly he believed that the Attorney General of his province had the power to
have crimes investigated. The text of the letter Crown’s vice regal
representative in NL is as follows:
GOVERNMENT HOUSE
Newfoundland and Labrador
“September
10th, 2004
Dear Mr. Amos:
The Lieutenant Governor has asked me to acknowledge
receipt of your letter dated 2 September, addressed directly to him, the Honourable
Danny Williams, the Honourable John Crosbie and Mr. Brian Furey. He has asked
me to tell you that he has neither the authority nor the responsibility over matters
such as those raised in your letter and the associated material.
Accordingly at his instructions, I have
sent the material to the Honourable Thomas Marshall, QC, the Attorney General
and Minister of Justice for Newfoundland and Labrador, with the request that he
take whatever further action he considers necessary and appropriate to deal
with it.
Sincerely yours,
Leona Harvey
Secretary
to Lieutenant Governor”
67. The
Plaintiff states that in 2004 the 37th Parliament and many others in
NB and NL were informed that he knew of Byron Prior and Charles Leblanc and that
he supported their pursuit of justice byway of the social media. He called his
fellow Maritimers after reading their words about politicians and listened to
the reasons why they were collecting social assistance and could not afford
computers. They did not care about his concerns with politicians but he believed
them and offered his assistance by giving them computers. The Plaintiff asked
that they publish the truth about his actions and to serve politicians copies
of his documents. Leblanc publicly insulted the Plaintiff after receiving his computer
and stole documents he promised to give to the Attorney General of NB and gave
them to his activist friends instead. Leblanc was asked why behaved in such a
fashion and he wrote back that he thought he was being funny and stated that he
was not a sheriff then sent an email asking if the Plaintiff was a fair
comparison to his dog. That email convinced the Plaintiff that Leblanc was a
Conservative insider because he had apparently read a letter sent to the
Attorney General. It did not take the Plaintiff long to figure out who his
activist friends were because Leblanc had forwarded their email address along
with pictures of his dog. Prior was difficult to deal with but he was true to
his word. It was he who delivered the documents to the parties named in
paragraph 53. In 2005 Prior was sued for libel within his website. The
Plaintiff wrote his defence and counterclaim and it remained on the Internet
until 2010. Prior’s one website had more visitors than all the blogs of Leblanc
until late 2006 when the New York Times reported that a judge found Leblanc not
guilty in a criminal trial and considered him to be a legitimate journalist. As
the readership of his blog soared, Leblanc and all politicians became much
better friends. In 2007 the Irving media empire complained of the Plaintiff and
Leblanc to Google and Yahoo. In response the Plaintiff’s blog, two email
accounts and all his legal documents stored within Yahoo’s domain were deleted.
Leblanc’s blog was deleted then restored. The FPF arrested Leblanc again in
2012. The Plaintiff reminded the Crown of a judgment of Byron Prior finding
Section 301 of the Criminal Code unconstitutional
and law professors came to Leblanc’s aid. The Plaintiff caused Leblanc’s “other personality” blog to be deleted not the FPF.
68. The
Plaintiff states that the Crown is well aware of three legal actions against
Byron Prior. One action is a civil lawsuit for libel filed in Supreme Court of
NL in January of 2005 against Byron Prior by a MP and that a publication ban
was placed on the matter immediately. Two are criminal prosecutions of Byron
Prior for libel. One prosecution under section 301 of the Criminal Code was found to be unconstitutional in 2008. The
Plaintiff was falsely imprisoned by the RCMP in a mental ward of a hospital
after he spread the word that the Crown had lost. The Plaintiff does not know
the judgment in the second trial under section 300. He does know that in 2009
Byron Prior filed some of the Plaintiff’s documents in the docket before he was
imprisoned in a mental hospital until early 2010.
69. The
Plaintiff states that it was not logical that Crown considered Byron Prior’s
actions on the legislative properties in NL criminal. The Crown was arresting
and prosecuting him in NL while the RCMP were issuing him permits to do exactly
the same thing in front of the House of Commons for months at a time from the
spring of 2006 to at least the spring 2011. The Crown prosecutes and defends
all criminal actions at a provincial and federal level. If the Crown was
sincere in its prosecution of Byron Prior it should have arrested him on the
grounds of the House of Commons in the spring of 2006. Instead the Crown had
the RCMP and a lawyer whom the Plaintiff ran against in the election of the 38th
Parliament investigate Byron Prior’s concerns at the request of his MP (Later
appointed a Senator) and the Minister of Justice (Who his left seat in the 41st
Parliament midterm as Minister of Public Safety and was appointed to be a judge).
70. The
Plaintiff states that with regards to this complaint he knows for certain that
because of his association with Byron Prior in early 2004 the Crown has had a
conflict of interest that affects the interests of nearly all the federal and
provincial political parties of Canada. The Crown is well aware that a law firm
of a former Premier and a MP of NL represented Byron Prior in the past. The Prime
Minister and his current Attorney General are well aware the Plaintiff
published copies of letters from them to Byron Prior as they sat in opposition
of the 37th Parliament.
71. The
Plaintiff states that in his opinion banning the publication of legal documents
after a public official sues a citizen for libel or when the Crown decides to
prosecute the same citizen twice for libel does not serve the public interest
and raises many questions about the actions of the Crown. Whereas the Plaintiff
truly believes such actions only serve to protect the Crown and public
officials from being embarrassed by their words and deeds since 2002 he has
published on the Internet every document involving him that he has deemed
necessary to expose the public corruption just like Byron Prior did beginning
in 2002. That was how Byron Prior discovered the Plaintiff and contacted him in
early 2004 and the Plaintiff discovered and contacted Charles Leblanc in
Fredericton NB and later introduced them to Werner Bock of NB and his concerns.
The Plaintiff believes that is why the Crown bars and imprisons its opponents
who are adept with the social media. Corporate media protects privacy and never
mentions the malice because like Louis Riel the Crown has deemed the poor souls
to be mentally ill.
72. The
Plaintiff states that in early 2006 Saga Books of Calgary, Alberta published a
book about Byron Prior and the MP whom the Plaintiff ran against in 2004 and
hopefully again in 2014 had researched Byron Prior’s matters. His report to the
Minister of Justice in late 2006 has not been made public. More importantly the
lawyer who has been the MP representing Fundy Royal for the past eleven years and
that the former Minister of Public Safety acknowledged an email from the
Plaintiff about Byron Prior that contained the entire text of his website
before the writ was dropped for the election of the 38th Parliament.
The aforesaid email exchange has been published in the Internet for eleven
years. Everything on the Internet published by Byron Prior beginning in 2002
has been removed. The last comments of Byron Prior that the Plaintiff could
find published on the Internet was within a few videos a “Freeman” character
named Max published within the YouTube domain. It was an interview of Byron
Prior as he was protesting on the grounds of the House of Commons the day after
the Prime Minister was found in “Contempt
of Parliament” and his most contemptuous minority mandate became a matter
of history. His majority mandate is history and the Plaintiff seeks relief.
73. The
Plaintiff states that he did see a comment posted in a public Facebook of one
of Byron Prior’s many associates in British Colombia claiming that Byron Prior
had been arrested in Ottawa in 2012 as had several other of his associates
across Canada for various reasons during 2012. The whereabouts of Byron Prior
are not known to the Plaintiff but he does know that Charles Leblanc lives one
block up the same street as the Federal Court in Fredericton is located. Leblanc
is being prosecuted by the Crown and suing the FPF at the same time. It is
unlikely he would move far from the city soon. If the Crown wishes to argue
this complaint Byron Prior and Charles Leblanc should be summoned to testify
about what they know of this matter and of their being illegally barred from
parliament properties as well. Failing that the Plaintiff has collected a large
amount of documentation including documents, videos and webpages etc. He can
provide byway of digital media much evidence for the Crown to review about the
concerns of Byron Prior and Charles Leblanc and their association with the
Plaintiff and many others.
74. The
Plaintiff states that in June of 2009 while Byron Prior was before the court a
supporter of his, Robin Reid informed the Plaintiff that she was barred from
the legislative properties of Alberta and while visiting a constituency office
of a MP she had been arrested by the RCMP and assaulted in a locked cell of a
hospital in the St Albert area of Alberta. Her arrest was after her visits to
the constituency offices of the Prime Minister and an Edmonton MLA. Ms. Reid forwarded
her emails to and from the Prime Minister’s office, the RCMP, a former Premier and
the office of the Sergeant-at-Arms and asked the Plaintiff to support her. The
Plaintiff introduced himself to all the aforementioned parties in order to
assist Robin Reid and they were ignored for years. In 2012 the Plaintiff discovered he could no longer assist
Ms. Reid because she agreed with the actions of Neo Nazis who supported Byron
Prior and Werner Bock. The RCMP and many other law enforcement authorities in
Canada and the USA are well aware of the reasons why the Plaintiff is not
associated with such people in any fashion other than to attack them with his written
words. Neo Nazis are not worthy of further mention in this complaint against
the Crown but their Zionist foe, Barry Winters is.
75. The
Plaintiff states that the RCMP is well aware of the libel, sexual harassment,
and death threats practiced against his family that have been published on the
Internet since 2005 by fans (Trolls) who supported Byron Prior. Four Trolls who
live in Alberta are Barry Winters, Dean Roger Ray, Eddy Achtem and Patrick
Doran They have many “Anonymous” cohorts throughout Canada, the USA and the
United Kingdom. The actions of these Trolls created an important example of
cyberbullying. Law enforcement officials have ignored these Trolls because of
the Plaintiff’s standing as a whistleblower exposing corruption within the
justice system. The Plaintiff is aware that several people complained about
their actions over the years. In fact the mother of Dean Roger Ray recently her
indignation in Barry Winter’s blog. Complaints about Barry Winters can be seen
on the Internet by Glen Canning and Professor Kris Wells, two politically
well-connected people who complain of cyberbullying often. Proof the Edmonton
Police Force (EPS), RCMP, FBI and police in the UK have been ignoring the
Plaintiff’s complaints about these Trolls can also viewed on the Internet. The
Plaintiff fought fire with fire but did so in a legal fashion and kept the
police fully informed of his actions. The Plaintiff was successful in causing
numerous egregious videos and several blogs to be taken down after doing his
best to find out who the “Anonymous” people were and reporting them. He saved
all the blogs and videos published about his family before the malice was
removed from public view. Three Trolls who continue to attack his family and
others are Dean Roger Ray, Barry Winters and one government employee. A member
of the legal dept. of Edmonton tried to claim that the Plaintiff was Barry
Winters then complained to the EPS about the Plaintiff’s questions about her
incompetence. Professor Kris Wells, who was associated with the Police
Commission of Edmonton and Glen Canning, who lost his daughter to
cyberbullying, said nothing. They were content that the Plaintiff managed to
convince Google’s lawyers to remove one of Barry Winters’s blogs on October 23,
2014 and say nothing about his blog within WordPress that the Troll uses to
continue his libel of them and their friends. Instead Glen Canning slandered
the Plaintiff within Twitter after Kris Wells sent the Plaintiff an email
stating his lawyer had advised him to ignore Barry Winters and his blogs.
76. The
Plaintiff states that since the fall of 2014 he has given up on the notion that
any police officer or Glen Canning and Professor Kris Wells would ever act with
any semblance of integrity. All their actions appear to be for the purposes of
self-promotion and personal gain. Canning and Wells received the same emails
that were sent to politicians and law enforcement authorities and only Barry
Winters responded to all and disputed the Plaintiff’s words. The EPS in June of
2015 informed the Plaintiff that they intend to prosecute Barry Winters for
sending “False Messages” instead of
prosecuting for his published malice under Sections 300 and 319 of the Criminal Code. That fact must be true
because since June the Plaintiff has not received any emails from Barry Winters
and within his blog he has slandered the EPS and often mentions the topic of “False Messages”. In the meantime
Canning and Wells ignore the Plaintiff’s common concerns while continuing to
profess of their abundant knowledge of bullying to university students and
anyone else who will listen to them particularly members of the corporate
media. The Plaintiff saves every word of Canning and Wells that they cause to
be published on the topic cyberbullying and plans to file them as his exhibits
to support a lawsuit to seek relief from the cyberbullying of his Clan. He considers the blogs of Barry Winters and the
videos of his associates that remain published on the Internet to be important
evidence of cyberbullying that the Crown will be arguing within a provincial
court of his choice after the election of the 42nd Parliament.
Therefore other than remind the Crown and others that he is recording the work
of the Trolls, he has not reported their malice to Google and WordPress anymore
because the RCMP should have done so long ago.
77. The
Plaintiff states that in June of 2015 when a member of the EPS called him four
times with an anonymous telephone number asking him to stop emailing public
officials about Barry Winters’s blog and to file a formal complaint. The
Plaintiff was offended by the anonymous talk of “False Messages”. He refused and stated that if the questionable
public officials found his emails quoting the blog of Barry Winters upsetting
then the EPS and the RCMP should uphold the law and do something about it in
order to protect their reputations.
78. The
Plaintiff states that until the EPS member clearly identified himself with his
badge number in the fourth phone call and sent a follow up email to back up his
words, the Plaintiff could not know for certain that a Troll or the EPS had
been calling him. The Plaintiff has a record of two fraudulent calls to him
during the same period of time, one using an RCMP phone number and the other
used the phone number of Dana Durnford, a well-known Troll and friend of Byron
Prior. The Plaintiff returned the calls. Dana Durnford in a predictable fashion
denied knowing him and hung up but the Plaintiff did discuss the malice of Trolls
with an ethical member of the RCMP. The RCMP and the FBI know that anyone can
access several websites based in the USA and engage their free services to
harass people with. The RCMP know that some programs allow cyberbullies to
pretend to be anyone by having their telephone numbers (including that of the
RCMP or the EPS) appear on their victims’ phone display. The Crown knows
commercial programs assist in political deceit. Recently, it sent a former
assistant of the MP the Plaintiff ran against Fundy-Royal in 2004 to jail
because of robo calls.
79. The
Plaintiff states that he has clearly explained his intentions to sue the EPS
and the RCMP many times because they have been ignoring his complaints for
eight years. It was obvious to him what the EPS was trying to do with him in
June was trick. The RCMP has been trying to pull the same trick on the
Plaintiff since 2003. The Crown knows that if the EPS managed to secure a
complaint with the Plaintiff’s signature then it would delay his lawsuit
because the EPS could claim that his complaint under investigation and that the
EPS could say nothing about it until the matter had concluded. The Plaintiff
informed the EPS that anyone could use an anonymous phone number and claim to
be anyone if it wished to talk then it should do so from an identifiable telephone
line or put it in writing just like he does. In fact the Plaintiff’s family have
been getting anonymous calls for many years and the police claimed they could
do nothing because the malicious calls came through the Internet. The RCMP
would have acted ethically if the families of public officials were subject to
the harassment his Clan has suffered instead of assisting in the illegal
barring from the parliamentary properties of Canada.
80. The Plaintiff states that the
subject of the Crown and Internet harassment became incredibly worse in 2007
long before the demise of two Canadian teenagers caused new cyber laws to be
created and promptly ignored. In 2008 while the Plaintiff’s family and friends
were being much harassed within many YouTube Channels by Trolls, the RCMP in NB
created a YouTube channel of its own to use as tool to catch a local arsonist.
As soon as the Plaintiff made a comment about eleven incidents of arson on his
friend’s farm in the same area the Plaintiff and his friend were attacked by
many Troll’s within the Crown’s domain within YouTube and the RCMP only laughed
at the obvious malice that they were publishing for a year without attempting
to moderate the comments. In early 2009 the comments within the RCMP YouTube
channel change greatly with the arrest and imprisonment of members of the
Tingley family pertaining to charges of “Organized
Crime”. The libel continued until Werner Bock printed all the comments
within the RCMP YouTube channel and delivered hard copy of it in hand to a
local office of the RCMP. Once the
Plaintiff had a conversation with a member of the RCMP in Moncton NB who was
investigating Bock’s complaint, the RCMP took down their video with all the
comments and said nothing further about it. The Plaintiff did manage to save
most of the comments digitally before they were deleted by the Trolls and the
RCMP. Years later the Crown stayed the “Organized
Crime” charges against the Tingleys and a publication ban was placed on
their concerns about malicious prosecution. The matter was put before the
Supreme Court of Canada Rodney Tingley, et al. v. Her Majesty the Queen SCC Docket no. 34107 and the
Plaintiff had no idea of any outcome. However in late 2014 he did speak with
some of the Tingleys and they admitted to knowing about him and his common
concerns with the RCMP. One Tingley stated that their lawyers have advised them
not to speak to him because of the publication ban. The same holds true with
his former friend Werner Bock and Hank Temper another German who moved to NB to
farm. They had trouble with the RCMP acting against them. A search on the
Internet with their names and the Plaintiff’s easily proves his assistance but
they will never acknowledge it as they attack the Crown, Bock byway of social
media and Tepper byway of lawsuit.
81. The Plaintiff states that
matters of harassment that the police refuse to investigate would have entered
the realm of ridiculous in 2012 if the reasons behind the suicides of teenagers
did not become well known by the corporate media. In the summer of 2012
a new member of the FPS who as a former member of the EPS had inspired a
lawsuit for beating a client in Edmonton called the Plaintiff and accused him
of something he could not do even if he wanted to while he was arguing many
lawyers byway of emails about a matter concerning cyber stalking that was
before the SCC. The member of the FPF
accused the Plaintiff of calling the boss of Bullying Canada thirty times. At
that time his MagicJack account had been hacked and although he could receive
incoming calls, the Plaintiff could not call out to anyone. The Plaintiff freely
sent the FPF his telephone logs sourced from MagicJack after his account
restored without the Crown having to issue a warrant to see his telephone
records. He asked the FPF and the RCMP where did the records of his phone calls
to and from the FPF and the RCMP go if his account had not been hacked. The
police never responded. Years later a Troll sent Dean Roger Ray a message
through YouTube providing info about the Plaintiff’s MagicJack account with the
correct password. Dean Roger Ray promptly posted two videos in YouTube clearly
displaying the blatant violation of privacy likely to protect himself from the
crime. The Plaintiff quickly pointed out the videos to the RCMP and they
refused to investigate as usual. At about the same point in time the Plaintiff
noticed that the CBC had published a record of a access to information requests.
On the list of requests he saw his name along with several employees of CBC and
the boss of Bullying Canada. The Plaintiff called the CBC to make inquiries
about what he saw published on the Internet. CBC told him it was none of his
business and advised him if he thought his rights had been offended to file a
complaint. It appears the Plaintiff that employees of CBC like other
questionable Crown Corporations such as the RCMP rely on their attorneys far
too much to defend them from litigation they invite from citizens they
purportedly serve. The employees of CBC named within the aforementioned and the
CBC Legal Dept. are very familiar with the Plaintiff and of the Crown barring
him from legislative properties while he running for public office.
82. The
Plaintiff states that any politician or police officer should have seen enough
of Barry Winter’s WordPress blog by June 22, 2015 particularly after the very
unnecessary demise of two men in Alberta because of the incompetence of the
EPS. Barry Winters was blogging about the EPS using battering ram in order to execute a warrant for a 250
dollar bylaw offence at the same time Professor Kris Wells revealed in a
televised interview that the EPS member who was killed was the one
investigating the cyber harassment of him. It was obvious why the police and
politicians ignored all the death threats, sexual harassment, cyberbullying and
hate speech of a proud Zionist who claimed to be a former CF officer who now
working for the Department of National Defence (DND). It is well known that no
politician in Canada is allowed to sit in Parliament as a member of the major
parties unless they support Israel. Since 2002 the Plaintiff made it well known
that he does not support Israeli actions and was against the American plan to
make war on Iraq. On Aril 1, 2003 within two weeks of the beginning of the War
on Iraq, the US Secret Service threatened to practice extraordinary rendition
because false allegations of a Presidential threat were made against him by an
American court. However, the Americans and the Crown cannot deny that what he
said in two courts on April 1, 2003 because he published the recordings of what
was truly said as soon as he got the court tapes. The RCMP knows those words
can still be heard on the Internet today. In 2009, the Plaintiff began to
complain of Barry Winters about something far more important to Canada as
nation because of Winters’ bragging of being one of 24 CF officers who assisted
the Americans in the planning the War on Iraq in 2002. In the Plaintiff’s
humble opinion the mandate of the DND is Defence not Attack. He is not so naive
to think that such plans of war do not occur but if Barry Winters was in fact
one of the CF officers who did so then he broke his oath to the Crown the
instant he bragged of it in his blog. If Winters was never an officer in the CF
then he broke the law by impersonating an officer. The Plaintiff downloaded the
emails of the Privy Council about Wikileaks. The bragging of Barry Winters
should have been investigated in 2009 before CBC reported that documents released
by WikiLeaks supported his information about Canadian involvement in the War on
Iraq.
83. The Plaintiff states that
now that Canada is involved in more war in Iraq again it did not serve
Canadian interests and reputation to allow Barry Winters to publish the
following words three times over five years after he began his bragging:
Friday, October 3,
2014
Little David Amos’ “True History Of War” Canadian Airstrikes And
Stupid Justin Trudeau
Little David Amos’ “True History Of War” Canadian Airstrikes And
Stupid Justin Trudeau
Canada’s and Canadians free ride is over. Canada can no longer hide
behind Amerka’s and NATO’s skirts.
When I was still
in Canadian Forces then Prime Minister Jean Chretien actually committed the Canadian Army to deploy in the second campaign in Iraq, the Coalition of the Willing. This was against or contrary to the
wisdom or advice of those of us Canadian officers that were involved in the
initial planning phases of that operation. There were significant concern in
our planning cell, and NDHQ about of the dearth of concern for operational guidance,
direction, and forces for operations after the initial occupation of Iraq. At
the “last minute” Prime Minister Chretien and the Liberal government changed
its mind. The Canadian government told our amerkan cousins that we would not
deploy combat troops for the Iraq campaign, but would deploy a Canadian Battle
Group to Afghanistan, enabling our amerkan cousins to redeploy troops from
there to Iraq. The PMO’s thinking that it was less costly to deploy Canadian
Forces to Afghanistan than Iraq. But alas no one seems to remind the Liberals
of Prime Minister Chretien’s then grossly incorrect assumption. Notwithstanding Jean Chretien’s incompetence
and stupidity, the Canadian Army was heroic, professional, punched well above
it’s weight, and the PPCLI Battle Group, is credited with “saving Afghanistan”
during the Panjway campaign of 2006.
What Justin
Trudeau and the Liberals don’t tell you now, is that then Liberal Prime
Minister Jean Chretien committed, and deployed the Canadian army to Canada’s
longest “war” without the advice, consent, support, or vote of the Canadian
Parliament.
What David Amos
and the rest of the ignorant, uneducated, and babbling chattering classes are
too addled to understand is the deployment of less than 75 special operations
troops, and what is known by planners as a “six pac cell” of fighter aircraft
is NOT the same as a deployment of a Battle Group, nor a “war” make.
The Canadian Government
or The Crown unlike our amerkan cousins have the “constitutional authority” to
commit the Canadian nation to war. That has been recently clearly articulated
to the Canadian public by constitutional scholar Phillippe Legasse. What
Parliament can do is remove “confidence” in The Crown’s Government in a “vote
of non-confidence.” That could not happen to the Chretien Government regarding
deployment to Afghanistan, and it won’t happen in this instance with the
conservative majority in The Commons regarding a limited Canadian deployment to
the Middle East.
President George
Bush was quite correct after 911 and the terror attacks in New York; that the
Taliban “occupied” and “failed state” Afghanistan was the source of logistical
support, command and control, and training for the Al Quaeda war of terror against
the world. The initial defeat, and removal from control of Afghanistan was
vital and essential for the security and tranquility of the developed world. An
ISIS “caliphate,” in the Middle East, no matter how small, is a clear and
present danger to the entire world. This “occupied state,” or“failed state”
will prosecute an unending Islamic inspired war of terror against not only the
“western world,” but Arab states “moderate” or not, as well. The security,
safety, and tranquility of Canada and Canadians are just at risk now with the
emergence of an ISIS“caliphate” no matter how large or small, as it was with
the Taliban and Al Quaeda “marriage” in Afghanistan.
One of the
everlasting “legacies” of the “Trudeau the Elder’s dynasty was Canada and
successive Liberal governments cowering behind the amerkan’s nuclear and conventional
military shield, at the same time denigrating, insulting them, opposing them,
and at the same time self-aggrandizing ourselves as “peace keepers,” and
progenitors of “world peace.” Canada failed. The United States of Amerka, NATO,
the G7 and or G20 will no longer permit that sort of sanctimonious behavior
from Canada or its government any longer. And Prime Minister Stephen Harper,
Foreign Minister John Baird , and Cabinet are fully cognizant of that reality.
Even if some editorial boards, and pundits are not.
Justin, Trudeau
“the younger” is reprising the time “honoured” liberal mantra, and tradition of
expecting the amerkans or the rest of the world to do “the heavy lifting.”
Justin Trudeau and his “butt buddy” David Amos are telling Canadians that we
can guarantee our security and safety by expecting other nations to fight for
us. That Canada can and should attempt to guarantee Canadians safety by
providing “humanitarian aid” somewhere, and call a sitting US president a “war criminal.”
This morning Australia announced they too, were sending tactical aircraft to
eliminate the menace of an ISIS “caliphate.”
In one sense Prime
Minister Harper is every bit the scoundrel Trudeau “the elder” and Jean ‘the
crook” Chretien was. Just As Trudeau, and successive Liberal governments
delighted in diminishing, marginalizing, under funding Canadian Forces, and
sending Canadian military men and women to die with inadequate kit and modern equipment;
so too is Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Canada’s F-18s are antiquated, poorly
equipped, and ought to have been replaced five years ago. But alas, there won’t
be single RCAF fighter jock that won’t go, or won’t want to go, to make Canada
safe or safer.
My Grandfather
served this country. My father served this country. My Uncle served this
country. And I have served this country. Justin Trudeau has not served Canada
in any way. Thomas Mulcair has not served this country in any way. Liberals and
so called social democrats haven’t served this country in any way. David Amos,
and other drooling fools have not served this great nation in any way. Yet these
fools are more than prepared to ensure their, our safety to other nations, and
then criticize them for doing so.
Canada must again,
now, “do our bit” to guarantee our own security, and tranquility, but also that
of the world. Canada has never before shirked its responsibility to its citizens
and that of the world.
Prime Minister Harper will not permit this country to do so now
From: dnd_mdn@forces.gc.ca
Date: Fri, 27 May 2011 14:17:17 -0400
Subject: RE: Re Greg Weston, The CBC , Wikileaks, USSOCOM, Canada and the War in Iraq (I just called SOCOM and let them know I was still alive
To: david.raymond.amos@gmail.com
This is to confirm that the Minister of National Defence has received
your email and it will be reviewed in due course. Please do not reply
to this message: it is an automatic acknowledgement.
>>>>
---------- Original message ----------
From: David Amos <david.raymond.amos@gmail.com>
Date: Fri, 27 May 2011 13:55:30 -0300
Subject: Re Greg Weston, The CBC , Wikileaks, USSOCOM, Canada and the War in Iraq (I just called SOCOM and let them know I was still alive
To: DECPR@forces.gc.ca, Public.Affairs@socom.mil, Raymonde.Cleroux@mpcc-cppm.gc.ca, john.adams@cse-cst.gc.ca,
william.elliott@rcmp-grc.gc.ca, stoffp1 <stoffp1@parl.gc.ca>,
dnd_mdn@forces.gc.ca, media@drdc-rddc.gc.ca, information@forces.gc.ca, milner@unb.ca, charters@unb.ca, lwindsor@unb.ca, sarah.weir@mpcc-cppm.gc.ca, birgir <birgir@althingi.is>, smari <smari@immi.is>, greg.weston@cbc.ca, pm <pm@pm.gc.ca>,
susan@blueskystrategygroup.com, Don@blueskystrategygroup.com,
eugene@blueskystrategygroup.com, americas@aljazeera.net
Cc: "Edith. Cody-Rice" <Edith.Cody-Rice@cbc.ca>, "terry.seguin"
<terry.seguin@cbc.ca>, acampbell <acampbell@ctv.ca>, whistleblower <whistleblower@ctv.ca>
I talked to Don Newman earlier this week before the beancounters
David Dodge and Don Drummond now of Queen's gave their spin about Canada's
Health Care system yesterday and Sheila Fraser yapped on and on on CAPAC during her last days in office as if
she were oh so ethical.. To be fair to him I just called Greg Weston
(613-288-6938) I suggested that he should at least Google SOUCOM and David Amos
It would be wise if he check ALL of CBC's sources before he publishes something
else about the DND EH Don Newman? Lets just say that the fact that
your old CBC buddy, Tony Burman is now in charge of Al Jazeera English
never impressed me. The fact that he set up a Canadian office is interesting
though
http://www.blueskystrategygroup.com/index.php/team/don-newman/
http://www.blueskystrategygroup.com/index.php/team/don-newman/
Anyone can call me back and stress test my integrity after they read
this simple pdf file. BTW what you Blue Sky dudes pubished about
Potash Corp and BHP is truly funny. Perhaps Stevey Boy Harper or Brad Wall will fill ya in if you are to shy to call mean old me.
http://www.scribd.com/doc/2718120/Integrity-Yea-Right
The Governor General, the PMO and the PCO offices know that I am not a shy political animal
Veritas Vincit
David Raymond Amos
902 800 0369
Enjoy Mr Weston
http://www.cbc.ca/m/touch/news/story/2011/05/15/weston-iraq-invasion-wikileaks.html
"But Lang, defence minister McCallum's chief of staff, says military
brass were not entirely forthcoming on the issue. For instance, he
says, even McCallum initially didn't know those soldiers were helping
to plan the invasion of Iraq up to the highest levels of command,
including a Canadian general.
That general is Walt Natynczyk, now Canada's chief of defence staff,
who eight months after the invasion became deputy commander of 35,000 U.S. soldiers and other allied forces in Iraq. Lang says Natynczyk was also part of the team of mainly senior U.S. military brass that helped prepare for the invasion from a mobile command in Kuwait."
http://baconfat53.blogspot.com/2010/06/canada-and-united-states.html
"I remember years ago when the debate was on in Canada, about there being weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Our American 'friends" demanded that Canada join into "the Coalition of the Willing. American "veterans" and sportscasters loudly denounced Canada for NOT buying into the US policy.
At the time I was serving as a planner at NDHQ and with 24 other of my colleagues we went to Tampa SOUCOM HQ to be involved in the planning in the planning stages of the op....and to report to NDHQ, that would report to the PMO upon the merits of the proposed operation. There was never at anytime an existing target list of verified sites where there were deployed WMD.
Coalition assets were more than sufficient for the initial strike and invasion phase but even at that point in the planning, we were concerned about the number of "boots on the ground" for the occupation (and end game) stage of an operation in Iraq. We were also concerned about the American plans for occupation plans of Iraq because they at that stage included no contingency for a handing over of civil authority to a vetted Iraqi government and bureaucracy.
There was no detailed plan for Iraq being "liberated" and returned to its people...nor a thought to an eventual exit plan. This was contrary to the lessons of Vietnam but also to current military thought, that folks like Colin Powell and "Stuffy" Leighton and others elucidated upon. "What's the mission" how long is the mission, what conditions are to met before US troop can redeploy? Prime Minister Jean Chretien and the PMO were even at the very preliminary planning stages wary of Canadian involvement in an Iraq operation....History would prove them correct. The political pressure being applied on the PMO from the George W Bush administration was onerous
American military assets were extremely overstretched, and Canadian military assets even more so It was proposed by the PMO that Canadian naval platforms would deploy to assist in naval quarantine operations in the Gulf and that Canadian army assets would deploy in Afghanistan thus permitting US army assets to redeploy for an Iraqi operation....The PMO thought that "compromise would save Canadian lives and liberal political capital.. and the priority of which ....not necessarily in that order. "
You can bet that I called these sneaky Yankees again today EH John
Adams? of the CSE within the DND?
"I remember years ago when the debate was on in Canada, about there being weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Our American 'friends" demanded that Canada join into "the Coalition of the Willing. American "veterans" and sportscasters loudly denounced Canada for NOT buying into the US policy.
At the time I was serving as a planner at NDHQ and with 24 other of my colleagues we went to Tampa SOUCOM HQ to be involved in the planning in the planning stages of the op....and to report to NDHQ, that would report to the PMO upon the merits of the proposed operation. There was never at anytime an existing target list of verified sites where there were deployed WMD.
Coalition assets were more than sufficient for the initial strike and invasion phase but even at that point in the planning, we were concerned about the number of "boots on the ground" for the occupation (and end game) stage of an operation in Iraq. We were also concerned about the American plans for occupation plans of Iraq because they at that stage included no contingency for a handing over of civil authority to a vetted Iraqi government and bureaucracy.
There was no detailed plan for Iraq being "liberated" and returned to its people...nor a thought to an eventual exit plan. This was contrary to the lessons of Vietnam but also to current military thought, that folks like Colin Powell and "Stuffy" Leighton and others elucidated upon. "What's the mission" how long is the mission, what conditions are to met before US troop can redeploy? Prime Minister Jean Chretien and the PMO were even at the very preliminary planning stages wary of Canadian involvement in an Iraq operation....History would prove them correct. The political pressure being applied on the PMO from the George W Bush administration was onerous
American military assets were extremely overstretched, and Canadian military assets even more so It was proposed by the PMO that Canadian naval platforms would deploy to assist in naval quarantine operations in the Gulf and that Canadian army assets would deploy in Afghanistan thus permitting US army assets to redeploy for an Iraqi operation....The PMO thought that "compromise would save Canadian lives and liberal political capital.. and the priority of which ....not necessarily in that order. "
You can bet that I called these sneaky Yankees again today EH John
Adams? of the CSE within the DND?
84. The Plaintiff states that
the RCMP is well aware that he went to western Canada in 2104 at the invitation
of a fellow Maritimer in order to assist in his attempt to investigate the murders
of many people in Northern BC. The Plaintiff has good reasons to doubt his
fellow Maritimer’s motives. The fact that he did not tell the Plaintiff until
he had arrived in BC that he had invited a Neo Nazi he knew the Plaintiff
strongly disliked to the same protest that he was staging in front of the court
house in Prince George on August 21, 2014. The Plaintiff was looking forward to
meeting Lonnie Landrud so he ignored the Neo Nazi. Several months after their
one and only meeting, Lonnie Landrud contacted the Plaintiff and asked him to
publish a statement of his on the Internet and to forward it to anyone he
wished. The Plaintiff obliged Landrud and did an investigation of his own as
well. He has informed the RCMP of his opinion of their actions and has done
nothing further except monitor the criminal proceedings the Crown has placed
against the Neo Nazi in BC and save his videos and webpages and that of his
associates. The words the Plaintiff stated in public in Prince George BC on
August 21, 2014 were recorded by the Neo Nazi and published on the Internet and
the RCMP knows the Plaintiff stands by every word. For the public record the
Plaintiff truly believes what Lonnie Landrud told him despite the fact that he
does not trust his Neo Nazi associates. Therefore the Plaintiff had no ethical
dilemma whatsoever in publishing the statement Lonnie Landrud mailed to him in
a sincere effort to assist Lonnie Landrud’s pursuit of justice. The Crown is
well aware that Plaintiff’s former lawyer, Barry Bachrach once had a leader of
the American Indian Movement for a client and that is why he ran against the
former Minister of Indian Affairs for his seat in the 39th Parliament.
85. The Plaintiff states that
while he was out west he visited Edmonton AB several times and met many people.
He visited the home of Barry Winters and all his favourite haunts in the hope
of meeting in person the evil person who had been sexually harassing and threatening
to kill him and his children for many years. The Crown cannot deny that Winters
invited him many times. On June 13, 2015 Barry Winters admitted the EPS warned
him the Plaintiff was looking for him.
86. The Plaintiff states that on
December 15th, 2014 the Crown in Alberta contacted him byway
of an email account he seldom uses since his last communications with the Sergeant-at-Arms
and Robin Reid. The Sergeant-at-Arms
wanted to know about a contact he had that day with the constituency office of
a recently appointed Cabinet Minister. All the other statements in this
complaint should prove that the Plaintiff knew why a political lawyer from NB was
ignoring a new constituent’s contacts all summer after answering a message in
Twitter promising to meet with him. It was obvious to the Plaintiff that as
soon as the lawyer was a Cabinet Minister he was attempting to use his
influence to intimidate the Plaintiff byway of the Sergeant-at-Arms like his political
associates in NB did in 2004.
87. The
Plaintiff states that before
he had a chance to respond to the email from the Sergeant-at-Arms of
Alberta, three members of the RCMP members in plain clothes were pounding on the basement
entrance of a condo at 1:30 AM. They did not identify themselves as being the
police as they attempted to harass the Plaintiff on private property in the
middle of the night without a warrant. The Plaintiff was twice the age of the
oldest one and considered them to be tough talking kids who were trying to
enter a home in the middle of the night so as he closed the door he told them
he was calling the cops. They hollered on the other side of the door that they
were the cops as the Plaintiff called their headquarters and was immediately
patched through to them. The Plaintiff refused their request when RCMP tried to
con him into coming outside in freezing temperatures in the middle of the night
so they could supposedly speak with him instead of saying what they needed to
say over the telephone. If what the RCMP was saying was remotely true then they
should have identified themselves and asked for him instead of someone else when
he answered the door. The Plaintiff’s response to the RCMP’s trickery was that
it was best that they communicate in writing and that he would be contacting
their lawyers in the morning. The Crown received its very justifiable responses
and the law was not upheld. The Plaintiff was ignored as the RCMP continued to
harass his family deep into the New Year as he headed for the BC coast then
back to the Maritimes to run for public office again.
88. The Plaintiff states that in
regards to this complaint the actions and inactions of the Sergeant-at-Arms
and the RCMP in
Alberta affirmed to the Plaintiff that he is still barred under threat of
arrest from all parliamentary properties in Canada because they did not deny
it. The RCMP does not have the integrity to talk to or email him about anything
because they know he tries to record everything just like they do. Instead of
acting ethically the standard operating procedure of the RCMP since 2004 is to
intimidate his friends and family in a malicious effort to impeach his
character and separate them. That is the reason the Plaintiff stays away from
most people most of the time. The actions of the RCMP towards the Plaintiff and
many others and his experiences in the USA served to convince him that the
Crown acts just like corrupt Americans. In order to cover up wrongs it would
prefer to injure and imprison ethical citizens in mental wards rather than
uphold the law or argue them publicly in a court of law. In 2002 the Plaintiff
explained why he would seek public office in Canada to American lawyers he was
suing within statements of a lawsuit about legal malpractice. Now he is doing
the same to Canadian lawyers in the employ of the government whose wages are
once again being paid by his fellow taxpayer. As the Plaintiff prepares to deal
with a predicable motion to dismiss and a motion for a publication ban to delay
and conceal this matter before polling day perhaps the lawyers working for the
Crown should study the Plaintiff’s work found within documents in the Governor
General’s office. Trust that he will look forward to talking to the first
lawyer to answer this complaint because it has been years since he could get any
lawyer in Canada to discuss anything with him. There is no ethical dilemma to
be found in this statement, the Crown counsels should just do their job
according to the law of the land, seek the documents in the possession of the
lawyer who is the Governor General of Canada and let the political cards fall
where they may. In closing the Plaintiff must remind the Crown that two members
of the Canadian Forces acting as security for the Highland Games held on the
grounds of the Lieutenant Governor’s residence in NB approached the Chief of
the Amos Clan claiming that an unnamed party found him “overbearing”. He gave them a copy of the Governors General’s letter
and freely left the parliamentary property.
Jurisdiction and Venue
89. The Plaintiff states that
Federal Court has jurisdiction in this claim against the Crown pursuant to
section 17 (1) of the Federal Courts Act and he proposes that this action be
tried at Fredericton, New Brunswick.
90. The Plaintiff prays that the
Federal Court does not strike this complaint against the Crown. It is not
without merit nor is it abusing of the process of this Court. This claim
is definitely not frivolous
or vexatious or immaterial
or redundant.
91. The
Plaintiff states he is not a lawyer or studied law at any law school. This is a
Pro Se complaint composed by him to the best of his ability as a layman after
studying Canadian laws on his own for ten years. He is compelled to act Pro Se
because not one lawyer of the many whom he has approached in Canada and the USA
over the course of the past fifteen years would assist him in any complaint
that would impeach the character of an auditor or a fellow member of the bar or
embarrass a justice system in which they practice law for a fee. However, many
lawyers have been paid from the Plaintiff’s interests as they worked diligently
to cover up many wrongs practiced against his family for many years. The
Plaintiff considers two of the most offensive to him are the lawyers who are the
current Governor General and Attorney General of Canada. The Plaintiff is
acting upon a suggestion of a former Governor General after diligently
attempting to settle this matter with all the Attorney Generals of Canada and
the RCMP for twelve years.
92. The
Plaintiff states that must restate the simple truth of this matter. It still is
as he explained to the NBPC in 2004. The Sergeant-at-Arms in NB illegally
barred the Plaintiff for political reasons. His actions as a whistleblower the
RCMP and the liberal federal government were the reasons. The Plaintiff met former
Premiers Bernard Lord and David Alward (Consular in Boston) On October 3, 2006,
Premier Lord studied the “Barring Notice”
after being thanked for putting the Crown’s malice in writing. Alward and a
RCMP member heard Lord claim he knew nothing about it and suggest that the
Plaintiff sue the Sergeant-at-Arms.
93. The Plaintiff states that on October 3, 2006
he quickly proved what the political lawyer Bernard Lord had claimed in front
of his former Cabinet Minister was not true by presenting him with a document signed
by his former Attorney General. Bernard Lord quickly responded that the
Plaintiff should sue him too. The former Premier had nothing further to say
when he was shown a copy of the Plaintiff’s cover letter that came with the
documents and CD given to his constituency office in Moncton NB in early July
of 2004. The Plaintiff complained of Premier Lord expelling him from the
legislature building for political reasons not legal within the first paragraph
of the aforesaid cover letter. The Attorney General had answered the Plaintiff
on the Crown’s behalf after admitting he had received the documents given to
Premier Lord and another former Premier Frank McKenna the year before his was
appointed to be the Canadian Ambassador to the USA.
94. The Plaintiff states that on
October 30, 2006, after he had read the news and discussed Justice Dennis O’Connor’s report on the Arar matter with many people that
he knew Wayne Easter and Commissioner Giuliano Zacardelli were profound liars he received a call from Sgt. Vaillancourt of J Division of the RCMP. The Plaintiff refused
to make a deal with the RCMP and his reasons were published on the Internet for
years. Wayne Easter’s words quoted by CBC were the reason the RCMP called. They
are as follows:
“Wayne Easter, the former
solicitor-general who presided during the Arar ordeal, appeared to contradict
earlier testimony from RCMP head Giuliano Zacardelli today when he answered
questions at a commons committee. Responding to Justice Dennis O’Connor’s
report on the Arar case at the public safety and national security committee,
Easter said he was never told the RCMP had passed on false information to the
United States and was never told the RCMP tried to correct it, as claimed by Zacardelli.
“I was not informed that the RCMP had provided inaccurate information to the U.S.,” Easter told the MPs.”
95. The Plaintiff states that
whereas the Prime Minister apologized to Maher Arar on behalf of Canada and
made $10-million settlement
after the government wasted several years and squandered an incredible amount
of taxpayer funds on legal fees generating Justice
Dennis O’Connor’s report, the Plaintiff deserves at least the same sort of settlement
in this matter.
96. The Plaintiff states that
whereas he has been barred from access to parliamentary properties for a period
of eleven years and that the aforesaid properties include ten provinces and the
Nation’s Capital District the apologies and amount he seeks in settlement is
very reasonable and certainly justified.
The plaintiff
therefore asks this court for the following relief:
(a) A public apology by the
Prime Minister and each Premier for the illegal barring of a citizen from
access to parliamentary properties.
(b) A declaration signed by the
Minister of Public Safety and witnessed by the Governor General stating that
the Canadian government will no longer allow the RCMP and the Canadian Forces
to harass the Plaintiff and his Clan.
(c) A settlement of eleven
million dollars ($11,000,000.00) in the form of relief and punitive damages for
being barred from eleven parliamentary properties for eleven years.
(d) Costs to the Plaintiff in bringing this
matter before the court
Dated at Fredericton, NB the 15th day of
September 2015
_________________________________
Plaintiff David Raymond Amos
P.O. Box 234
Apohaqui, NB, E5P 3G2
Telephone no.: (902) 800-0369
Fax no.: (506) 432-6089
Email : David.Raymond.Amos@gmail.com
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