http://davidraymondamos3.blogspot.ca/
Court
File No. T-1557-15
FEDERAL COURT
BETWEEN:
DAVID
RAYMOND AMOS
Plaintiff
and
HER
MAJESTY THE QUEEN
Defendant
STATEMENT
OF CLAIM
The
Parties
1.
HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN (Crown) is Elizabeth II, the Queen of England, the
Protector of the Faith of the Church of England, the longest reigning monarch of
the United Kingdom and one of the wealthiest persons in the world. Canada pays
homage to the Queen because she remained the Head of State and the Chief
Executive Officer of Canada after the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.) 1982, c.
11 came into force on April 17, 1982. The standing of the Queen in Canada
was explained within the 2002 Annual Report FORM 18-K filed by
Canada with the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). It
states as follows:
“The executive power of the federal
Government is vested in the Queen, represented by the Governor General, whose
powers are exercised on the advice of the federal Cabinet, which is responsible
to the House of Commons. The legislative branch at the federal level,
Parliament, consists of the Crown, the Senate and the House of
Commons.”
“The executive power in each
province is vested in the Lieutenant Governor, appointed by the Governor General
on the advice of the federal Cabinet. The Lieutenant Governor’s powers are
exercised on the advice of the provincial cabinet, which is responsible to the
legislative assembly. Each provincial legislature is composed of a Lieutenant
Governor and a legislative assembly made up of members elected for a period of
five years.”
2.
Her Majesty the Queen is the named defendant pursuant to
sections 23(1) and 36 of the Crown Liability and Proceedings Act.
Some of the state actors whose duties and actions are at issue in this
action are the Prime Minister, Premiers, Governor General, Lieutenant Governors,
members of the Canadian Forces (CF), and Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP),
federal and provincial Ministers of Public Safety, Ministers of Justice,
Ministers of Finance, Speakers, Clerks, Sergeants-at-Arms and any other person
acting as Aide-de-Camp providing security within and around the House of
Commons, the legislative assemblies or acting as security for other federal,
provincial and municipal properties.
3.
Her Majesty the Queen’s servants the RCMP whose
mandate is to serve and protect Canadian citizens and assist in the security of
parliamentary properties and the protection of public officials should not deny
a correspondence from a former Deputy Prime Minister who was appointed to be
Canada’s first Minister of Public Safety in order to oversee the RCMP and their
cohorts. The letter that
helped to raise the ire of a fellow Canadian citizen who had never voted in his
life to run for public office four times thus far is quoted as
follows:
“Mr.
David R. Amos
Jan 3rd, 2004
153Alvin
Avenue
Milton, MA U.S.A. 02186
Dear Mr.
Amos
Thank you for your letter of November 19th, 2003, addressed to
my predecessor, the
Honourble Wayne Easter, regarding your safety.
I apologize for the
delay in responding.
If
you have any concerns about your personal safety, I can only
suggest that you
contact the police of local jurisdiction. In addition, any
evidence of criminal
activity should be brought to their attention since the
police are in the best
position to evaluate the information and take action
as deemed appropriate.
I
trust that this information is satisfactory.
Yours sincerely
A. Anne McLellan”
4.
DAVID RAYMOND AMOS
(Plaintiff), a Canadian Citizen and the
first Chief of the Amos Clan, was born in Sackville, New Brunswick (NB)
on July 17th, 1952.
5.
The Plaintiff claims
standing in this action as a citizen whose human rights and democratic interests
are to be protected by due performance of the obligations of Canada’s public
officials who are either elected or appointed and all servants of the Crown
whose mandate is to secure the public safety, protect public interests and to
uphold and enforce the rule of law. The Crown affirms his right to seek relief
for offences to his rights under section 24(1) of the Canadian Charter
of Rights and Freedoms (Charter). Paragraphs 6 to 13 explain the delay in bringing this
action before Federal Court and paragraphs 25 to 88 explain this
matter.
6.
The Plaintiff states that
pursuant to the democratic rights found in Section 3 of the Charter he was a
candidate in the elections of the membership of the 38th and 39th Parliaments in
the House of Commons and a candidate in the elections of the memberships of the
legislative assemblies in Nova Scotia (NS) and NB in 2006.
7.
The Plaintiff states that
if he is successful in finding a Chartered Accountant to audit his records as
per the rules of Elections Canada, he will attempt to become a candidate in the
election of the membership of the 42nd
Parliament.
8.
The Plaintiff states that
beginning in January of 2002, he made many members of the RCMP and many
members of the corporate media including employees of a Crown Corporation, the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) well aware of the reason why he planned
to return to Canada and become a candidate in the next federal election. In May
of 2004, all members seated in the 37th
Parliament before the writ was dropped for the election of the 38th Parliament and several members of the legislative
assemblies of NB and Newfoundland and Labrador (NL) knew the reason is the
ongoing rampant public corruption. Evidence of the Plaintiff’s concerns can be
found within his documents that the Office of the Governor General acknowledged were in its possession ten years
ago before the Speech from the Throne in 2004. The Governor General’s letter is
as follows:
“September 11th, 2004
Dear Mr.
Amos,
On behalf of Her Excellency the Right Honourable Adrienne
Clarkson,
I acknowledge
receipt of two sets of documents and CD regarding corruption,
one received from you directly, and the
other forwarded to us by the Office of
the Lieutenant Governor of New
Brunswick.
I
regret to inform you that the Governor General cannot intervene in
matters that
are the responsibility of elected officials and courts of Justice of
Canada. You already contacted the various
provincial authorities regarding
your concerns, and these were the
appropriate steps to take.
Yours sincerely.
Renee Blanchet
Office of the Secretary
to the Governor General”
9.
The Plaintiff states that the documents contain proof that
the Crown by way of the RCMP and the Minister of Public Safety/Deputy Prime
Minister knew that he was the whistleblower offering his assistance to Maher
Arar and his lawyers in the USA. The Governor General acknowledged his concerns
about the subject of this complaint and affirmed that the proper provincial
authorities were contacted but ignored the Plaintiff’s faxes and email to the
RCMP and the Solicitor General in November of 2003 and his tracked US Mail to
the Solicitor General and the Commissioner of the RCMP by way of the Department
of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) in December of 2003 and the
response he received from the Minister of Public Safety/Deputy Prime Minister in
early 2004. One document was irrefutable proof that there was no need whatsoever
to create a Commission of Inquiry into Maher Arar concerns at about the same
point in time. That document is a letter from the US Department of Homeland
Security (DHS) Office Inspector General (OIG complaint no. C04-01448) admitting
contact with his office on November 21, 2003 within days of the Plaintiff
talking to the office of Canada’s Solicitor General while he met with the US
Attorney General and one day after the former Attorney General of New York (NY)
and the former General Counsel of the SEC testified at a public hearing before
the US Senate Banking Committee about investigations of the mutual fund
industry.
10.
The Plaintiff states that another document that the
Plaintiff received during the election of the 39th Parliament further supported the fact he was a
whistleblower about financial crimes. In December of 2006 a member of the RCMP was ethical enough to admit that
he understood the Plaintiff’s concerns and forwarded his response to the acting
Commissioner of the RCMP and others including a NB Cabinet Minister Michael B.
Murphy QC. The Crown is well aware that any member sitting in the last
days of the 37th Parliament through to the end of
the 41st Parliament could have stood in the House
of Commons and asked the Speaker if the Crown was aware of the Plaintiff’s
actions. All parliamentarians should have wondered why his concerns and that of
Mr. Arar’s were not heard by a committee within the House of Commons in early
2004. Instead, the Crown created an expensive Commission to delay the Arar
matter while he sued the governments of Canada and the USA and his wife ran in
the election of the 38th Parliament. In 2007, Arar received a $10-million settlement from the Crown and the
Prime Minister gave him an official
apology yet the US government has never admitted fault. A month after the
writ was dropped for the election of the 42nd
Parliament and CBC is reporting Syrian concerns constantly, Mr. Arar’s lawyer
announced that the RCMP
will attempt to extradite a Syrian intelligence officer because it had
laid a charge in absentia and a Canada-wide warrant and
Interpol notice were issued. The Plaintiff considers such news to be politicking
practiced by the Minister of Public Safety. He noticed the usually outspoken Mr.
Arar made no comment but his politically active wife had lots to say on
CBC. Meanwhile, the RCMP continues to bar a fellow
citizen from parliamentary properties because he exercised the same democratic
rights after he had offered his support to Arar by way of his American lawyers.
The aforementioned letter about financial crimes was from the Inspector General
for Tax Administration in the US Department of the Treasury. Mr Arar’s lawyers,
the RCMP, the Canadian Revenue Agency and the US Internal Revenue Service still
refuse to even admit TIGTA complaint no. 071-0512-0055-C exists. However, the
Commissioner of Federal Court, the Queen’s Privy Council Office and other
agencies were made well aware of it before the Speech from the Throne in
2006.
11.
The Plaintiff states that from June 24, 2004 until the day
he signed this complaint he has diligently tried to resolve the breach of his
rights under the Charter that are the subject of this complaint with any public
official in Canada whom he believed had the mandate or the ability to request
that the Crown investigate and correct the malicious actions and inactions of
the RCMP, Sergeants-at-Arms and Aides-de-Camp in all jurisdictions. Until June
16, 2006 the Plaintiff did not have irrefutable proof to support this complaint.
Time did not permit him to address it immediately in Federal Court in 2006
because his slate was full. For instance on June 16, 2006 while dealing with
deeply troubling private family matters, he was running against the Attorney
General for his seat in the NS provincial election while arguing members of the
RCMP about strange calls he got from someone in Ottawa who claimed the
Department of Public Safety as her client, dealing with many liberal party
members who were about to witness in Moncton NB the first debate of all those
who wished to become their new leader, assisting a farmer in his attempt to get
some authority to properly investigate the demise of his cattle and discussing
with members of the Saint John NB City Council the actions of a sergeant in the
Saint John Police Force who was calling friends of the Plaintiff and claiming
that he was drug dealing member of a bike gang that they should stay away from
while he was preparing to intervene in pipeline matter that was about to heard
by the National Energy Board in Saint John .
12.
The Plaintiff states that in April of 2007 he wrote a
complaint about this matter and returned to the Capital District of NB in order
to file it and argue the Crown before the Federal Court if it did not wish to
settle. A clerk of this court informed him that his complaint was not composed
correctly, so he began to rewrite this complaint. However, as soon as it was
known what the Plaintiff was about to file he was subject to further police
harassment and his family began to suffer from constant slander, sexual
harassment and death threats on the Internet and on the telephone that continues
to this very day while the RCMP, the FBI and many other law enforcement
authorities continue to ignored the obvious evidence of cybercrime practiced
against many people including his minor children.
13.
The Plaintiff states that the Crown’s only response has
been further harassment by the RCMP including false arrest and imprisonment and
theft of his property by the Fredericton Police Force supported by other law
enforcement authorities in Canada and the USA. The Governor General has had the
Plaintiff’s documents for over ten years to study. The Crown now has one of the
complaints that the RCMP has been delaying since 2003. It is as follows:
The Complaint
14.
The Plaintiff states that on June 24, 2004 during the election of the membership of the 38th Parliament the Crown breached his right to
peaceful assembly and association under Section 2(c) and (d) of the Charter. The
Sergeant-at-Arms of the Legislative Assembly of NB (a former member of the RCMP)
supported by the Fredericton Police Force (FPF), the Corps of Commissionaires
(COC) and at least one RCMP officer acting as Aide-de-Camp to the NB Lieutenant
Governor barred the Plaintiff under threat of arrest from the legislative
properties in NB.
15.
The Plaintiff states that whereas the Crown refused to put
anything in writing to either confirm or deny that he was in fact barred from
the legislative properties in NB, he returned to the public property whenever he
deemed it necessary to do so as he ran for public office three more times. For
example, when the Plaintiff was a candidate in the election of the 39th Parliament for the riding of Fredericton, he was asked to
come into the legislative building of NB to record a live interview for an
Atlantic Television (ATV) news cast shortly before polling day. On that
occasion, the Sergeant-at-Arms and his Aides-de-Camp did not attempt to bar the
Plaintiff from access to legislative property quite possibly because they did
not wish their actions to be recorded by ATV. However, the Crown made matters
worse in short order. CBC barred the Plaintiff from an all-candidates’ debate on
the University of New Brunswick (UNB) campus and on polling day two District
Returning Officers on the UNB campus after viewing identification threatened to
have the Plaintiff arrested stating that they did not believe he was on the
ballot.
16.
The Plaintiff states that the NB Sergeant-at-Arms continued
with his threat of arrest after the election 39th
Parliament. In response, the Plaintiff challenged the Sergeant-at-Arms to either
put his threat in writing or arrest him so he could at least argue the Crown
about the offences against his rights under the Charter.
17.
The Plaintiff states that on June 16th, 2006 he was on a sidewalk on Queen Street in Fredericton
NB waiting for a friend who was meeting with the Premier of NB and others inside
the legislative assembly building. Within minutes of his arrival the
Sergeant-at-Arms and two members of the FPF marched out of the building and
served a signed document barring him from public places overseen by the Crown
because some unnamed parties found him in ”Contempt of the House”. The
Sergeant-at-Arms then ordered the Plaintiff off legislative property. When the
Plaintiff pointed out that he was not on legislative property but on a sidewalk
on Queen Street, the Sergeant-at-Arms claimed that his jurisdiction extended to
the middle of the street. The two members of the FPF identified themselves and
agreed that if the Plaintiff did not cross the street they would arrest him.
18.
The Plaintiff states that after he crossed Queen Street he
took a photograph of the Sergeant-at-Arms and the FPF marching back into the
building to prove date and time of their malice. He sent a photograph of their
barring notice to many people particularly liberal party members gathering in
Moncton, NB that day to hear a debate by those who wished to replace the former
Prime Minister as their party leader. It was important to do so because a
liberal mandate created the Charter in 1982 compelling all New Brunswickers
including the Sergeant-at-Arms and the police to abide the law within Canada’s
only bilingual province. Any citizen or public official who understands the
Charter and received a copy of the barring notice should have noticed the Crown
had barred a citizen from the legislative properties in NB in only one official
language. No police officer or politician or Language Commissioner at either a
federal or provincial level ever responded to any inquiry about that fact. The
Sergeant-at-Arms of NB did acknowledge the receipt of a copy of his barring
notice years later but he did so in French only.
19.
The Plaintiff states that the NB Sergeant-at-Arms and his
cohorts in the FPF, RCMP and the COC are well aware that as soon as the
Plaintiff’s friend came out of legislative building on June 16, 2006, he was
given the barring notice to take back inside in order to inquire about it and
the reasons behind it. The COC are clearly named at the bottom of the document
yet the Commissionaires and all the politicians he encountered that day claimed
that they were not allowed to discuss the barring notice and never would ever
since. The Plaintiff finds that the police,
politicians and bureaucrats etc. are maintaining their oath to the Crown rather
than uphold the law and Sections 2(c) (d), 16(2), 18(2) and 20(2) of
the Charter and
are relying on the Crown’s legal counsel to stop him from seeking
relief.
20.
The Plaintiff states that the RCMP and the members of the
FPF who harassed the Plaintiff in September of 2006 while he was a candidate in
the NB provincial election would not explain why the NB Sergeant-at-Arms and the
COC had barred him with a document written in English only or why it was not
published in the Royal Gazette. Members of the FPF who violated the Plaintiff’s
privacy trying to read an email that he was composing on a laptop within his car
parked on private property refused to explain why they thought they had the
right do so as they attempted to interrogate him without a warrant or due
process of law. Members of the FPF refused to take the same documents the RCMP
had so that their major crimes unit could finally investigate after they
demanded that the Plaintiff identify himself so they could check for warrants
for his arrest. The FPF would not discuss what they would do if he returned to
the UNB campus or if he parked a vehicle and put money in a parking meter on the
side of Queen Street claimed by the Sergeant-at-Arms. In February of 2007 after
a Cabinet Minister of NB acknowledged his
concerns with the RCMP, his children took pictures of the Plaintiff
standing on the legislative property and the Sergeant-at-Arms and the FPF did
nothing that day. However, the police harassment got worse afterwards. The FPF
tried to call him a criminal while the Plaintiff waited for answers before he
argued the Crown in court about his property that the FPF had illegally seized.
The text of two emails that the Crown and the FPF sent in 2007 are as follows:
Subject:
January 30, 2007
WITHOUT PREJUDICE
Mr. David Amos
Dear Mr.
Amos:
This will
acknowledge receipt of a copy of your e-mail of December
29,
2006 to Corporal Warren McBeath of the RCMP. Because of the
nature of the
allegations made in your message, I have taken the
measure of
forwarding a copy to Assistant Commissioner Steve Graham
of
the RCMP “J” Division in Fredericton
.
Sincerely,
Honourable Michael B. Murphy
Minister of Health”
AND
Dear Mr. Amos
My
Name is Lou LaFleur and I am a Detective with the Fredericton Police Major Crime
Unit. I would like to talk to you regarding files that I am investigating and
that you are alleged to have involvement in.
Please call me at your earliest convenience and leave a
message and a phone number on my secure and confidential line if I am not in my
office.
yours
truly,
Cpl. Lou
LaFleur
Fredericton Police
Force
311 Queen
St.
Fredericton,
NB
506-460-2332
21.
The Plaintiff states that by September of 2007, he was told
by police officers and others that he was
barred from the town of Woodstock, the House of
Commons, the National Capital District including Rideau Hall and the University
of Ottawa, the Capital District of NB including the Lieutenant Governor’s
residence and the University of NB, all other legislative properties in Canada
and that a photograph of him was posted inside the NB legislative building, the
Fredericton airport and at least one mining property guarded by the Corps of
Commissionaires.
22.
The Plaintiff states that on or about September 13, 2007
during a conversation with the office of the Speaker of the House of Commons he
was referred to the Sergeant-at-Arms in order to find out if the Plaintiff was
truly barred from the House of Commons and if he had been sent an answer to the
documentation the Speaker and the government of Iceland received in May of 2006.
The Sergeant-at-Arms was apparently well aware of his concerns because he said
he knew the Plaintiff from a past life and quickly hung up the telephone. The
Sergeant-at-Arms never did answer the Plaintiff and ignored all his contacts
ever since.
23.
The Plaintiff states that the odd response from
Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Commons caused him to research how they knew
each other. The public record states that in June of 2005 the RCMP officer
acting as Aide-de-Camp to the NB Lieutenant Governor retired and joined the
House of Commons as Director of Security Operations. On September 1, 2006, he
became the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Commons. Therefore, because of all
three of his positions from June of 2004 to December of 2014, the
Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Commons must have agreed and seconded his
fellow Sergeant-at-Arms in NB and his threats to arrest Plaintiff if he
reappeared on parliamentary property.
24.
The Plaintiff states that with regards to this complaint
about being illegally barred from parliamentary properties, the most recent
contact from the Crown was the three members of the RCMP who harassed the
Plaintiff at 1:30 AM on December 16, 2014 not long after he had received an
email from a former CSIS agent who is the current Sergeant-at-Arms of the
legislative assembly of Alberta.
The
Facts of this Matter
25.
The Plaintiff states that on June 24, 2004 within minutes
of his being barred, the Sergeant-at-Arms, two members of the FPF and one
Commissionaire witnessed him deliver a large number of documents to the
attention of two lawyers in the office of the opposition next door. He suspects
that the Sergeant-at-Arms read at least the cover letter when his documents were
in his care because to support his right to bar a citizen in front two members
of the FPF he falsely accused the Plaintiff of attempting to serve documents
while in the legislative building.
26.
The Plaintiff states that within the hour of being barred,
the Plaintiff visited the headquarters of the FPF and attempted to meet with its
Chief in order to discuss the false allegations and the threat of arrest.
Whereas a Corporal denied access to his Chief, the Plaintiff contacted the City
Solicitor of Fredericton because he knew him personally in younger days. After
waiting one week for someone to get back to him, the Plaintiff visited the
constituency office of the Premier and the law office of a former Premier of NB
and gave them many documents with the same cover letter addressing his concern
about being barred from the legislative properties amongst other issues. One
month later the Attorney General of NB sent an answer similar to what the Deputy
Prime Minister sent eight months earlier telling him to take up his concerns
with the police and ignored the issue of a citizen being barred and threatened
by the police. A lawyer acting as the NB Ombudsman did not wish deal with the
government on his behalf suggested that the Plaintiff take up his concerns with
the New Brunswick Police Commission (NBPC) and introduced them. The Plaintiff,
his wife and a lawyer met with the NBPC. The NBPC acknowledged the complaint and
asked the FPF to investigate their questionable actions. In the eleven years
since the NBPC never responded and the Plaintiff knows why. The NBPC and
Governor General have many of his documents and one is a letter to the
Commissioner of the RCMP. The Plaintiff is well aware the Chair of the NBPC in
2004 was also the Chief Coroner whom he testified before on July 15, 1982 and he
clearly informed the Crown he assisted in a successful civil lawsuit against the
RCMP about a wrongful death.
27.
The Plaintiff states that the Sergeant-at-Arms, two
Commissionaires, a librarian, and two members of the FPF knew that the Plaintiff
was in legislative assembly on June 24, 2004 looking for the “blogger” Charles
Leblanc. While the Plaintiff was waiting for Charles Leblanc to
arrive that day he exercised his democratic right to witness the proceedings of
the Legislative Assembly from the gallery.
28.
The Plaintiff states that apparently a friend of the Crown
put a new spin on this matter the following day. The Crown’s corporate media has
never said anything about the Crown’s malicious actions barring him it has had
lots to say about the barring the blogger Charles Leblanc two years later and it
has made the arrests and prosecutions of him well known. On June 25, 2004
Charles Leblanc a well-known friend of the MLAs, the Sergeant-at-Arms, the
Commissionaires, the RCMP and the Fredericton Police Force falsely reported in
the social media that the Plaintiff had been “shown the door” claiming
that he had attempted to interrupt the proceedings in the Legislature by
speaking from the gallery. The Crown knows if that were true it would have been
recorded in the legislative records. The words of Charles Leblanc an important
witness to be called to testify as to what he knows about this matter are as
follows
“IS ELVY ROBICHAID SEEING THE LIGHT????
by
Charles LeBlanc Friday, Jun. 25, 2004 at 10:56 AM
Fredericton updates from
Charles
“There’s always
undercovers cops around but only when the House is in session. As
God as my witness I hope nothing happens but it’s just a matter of time till
someone is push over the edge. I guess a guy name David Amos was shown the door
yesterday at the Legislature. This guy is running as an Independent candidate in
the riding of Fundy Royal. I met the guy over the net and he has a beef with our
political bureaucrats. I admire people fighting for what they believe in but you
can’t get carried away. I guess in this case? He wanted to speak from the
Gallery and that’s a big faux pas!”
29.
The Plaintiff states that he was not surprised that for the
benefit of his political opponents, servants of the Crown would practice such
malice against a citizen seeking public office. Three weeks before the Plaintiff
was barred in 2004 Elections Canada’s lawyers waited until the very last minute
to admit that section 3 of the Charter
existed and that it affirmed his right to run as an Independent.
30.
The Plaintiff states that he has studied the actions of
journalists, politicians and their lawyers for many years and has argued many.
He has no doubt that during the time of a federal election the Crown would not
have barred any member of a wealthy well known political party from any
parliamentary property in Canada without dealing with a Charter argument in
court and a host of journalists almost immediately. With that in mind the
Plaintiff gathered the evidence to support this claim and waited until the CBC
reported that the Prime Minister had asked the Governor General to drop a writ.
Now history tells us all that the writ has been dropped early in order for the
Prime Minister to cause the most expensive and one of the longest federal
elections in the history of Canada on a date mandated by a law that his wealthy
political party created for its benefit. Now that the stock markets are in a
turmoil again the Office of the Inspector General of the SEC is acknowledging
the Plaintiff’s emails but only after they were made aware that he received an
ethical answer from a global organization that oversees auditors. Recent events
have proven to the Plaintiff that it is important that he file this action in
Federal Court as soon as possible in order see if the Harer government wishes to
continue barring him from parliamentary property before polling day.
31.
The Plaintiff states that during the election of the
38th Parliament not one of the employees of the
CBC denied the fact that it had acted in a deliberate partisan fashion and
ignored the Crown Corporation’s mandate. CBC reported that there were five
candidates on the ballot in Fundy but failed to name the Plaintiff in their
website or on the television and the radio. Nothing surprised the Plaintiff
about the actions of the CBC but they should not have laughed at him when he
pointed out other citizens should be afforded equal opportunity to hear of
him.
32.
The Plaintiff states that many politicians knew that the
CBC had hard copy of two lawsuits of his since 2002 and their journalists had
been laughing at him for two years. It was a profound mistake for CBC to ignore
his candidacy now that he did as
he promised in a statement of one lawsuit and was running for public office in
Canada. As CBC continued serving the interests of the politicians who provided
the funding sourced from the Canadian taxpayer other citizens noticed that the
CBC was ignoring his candidacy. One journalist who had laughed at him called
back and tried to make a deal after the Plaintiff had called the Ombudsman for
CBC complaining of him and his associates only to be laughed at some more and
invited to sue CBC. CBC continued to ignore the Plaintiff even though the
popular former CBC reporter Mike Duffy was now employed by their largest
corporate competitor, CTV and they claimed Fundy was a riding to watch and at
least three newspapers and even the CBC’s blogger friend Charles Leblanc had
chosen to put his strange spin the actions and words of the Plaintiff while
calling him a Hells Angel. However, the aforementioned CBC journalist did not
keep his job very long after his boss and three directors of CBC received the
very same documents and CD that the Plaintiff’s political opponents had in their
possession. (The former CBC journalist did get a job with the government of NB
and has continued with his obvious malice ever since)
33.
The Plaintiff states that the CBC would not have ignored
its mandate and the standing of a candidate if he or she were a member of the
Liberal Party or the newly merged Conservative parties or the Bloc Quebecois
Party or the Green Party or the New Democratic Party without expecting to deal
with legions of lawyers. CBC had no legal right whatsoever to ignore the
Plaintiff merely because he was an Independent. In fact the mandate of CBC as a
publicly owned broadcaster dictates that he must not be ignored whether he be a
member of a powerful political party or not. With regards to this complaint, on
June 24, 2004 there were many journalists inside the legislative properties of
NB not just CBC. They published nothing about the Plaintiff of his running for
public office or his being barred or even after their blogger friend, Charles
Leblanc certainly did.
34.
The Plaintiff states that in June of 2006 Charles Leblanc
was also barred from the same legislative properties but not the Public
Documents Building on the UNB campus. More importantly the Sergeant-at-Arms was
clever enough not to sign or date the English only document this time. Thus
Charles Leblanc who usually demands things in French from the government when he
is in trouble was never barred at all. The CBC immediately reported the barring
of Charles Leblanc falsely claiming that the Sergeant-at-Arms had signed the
Barring Notice. CBC wrote the Sergeant-at-Arms admitted that he had barred about
six others but did not disclose as to who they were. CBC did not ask who who the
other citizens were because they knew they would have to name the Plaintiff as
well. Many people have protested the barring of Charles Leblanc and a petition
to have it revoked was placed in the public record of the legislative assembly
to no avail. In 2006 Charles Leblanc was arrested in Saint John and in 2011 in
Fredericton. In 2009 and 2012 the FPF arrested their blogging friend Charles
Leblanc on the legislative properties. The CBC reported each time but failed to
follow up and investigate and report why the Crown refused to charge Charles
Leblanc in both instances. The CBC knows that as soon as the Plaintiff contacted
the politicians and police to remind them that he would appreciate being called
to testify at Charles Leblanc’s trial as a hostile but ethical witness about the
barring actions of the Crown it would never go forward with the charges. Leblanc
was arrested by the FPF two other times in recent years and he is on trial right
now. The CBC knows the Plaintiff has talked to
members of the RCMP, the FPF, the Saint John Police Force, the Miramichi Police
Force and the Edmundston Police Force who were investigating Leblanc for various
reasons since 2006. The police usually denied knowing who the Plaintiff was as
they refused to answer his emails. The Plaintiff knows the reason why
Charles Leblanc was barred from legislative property. He agrees with the Crown
doing so but it failed to allow the nasty blogger the right to due process of
law just like it did with and several others. He has never understood why the
Crown has not charged Leblanc under sections 300 and 319 of the
Criminal Code in lieu of arresting him for protesting too loudly or
possible child porn or trespass or punching an equally nasty poetic
beggar.
35.
The Plaintiff states that by the end of November of 2004 a
lawyer in the employ of the Attorney General of NB had answered him in writing
and the FPF, two lawyers, the Mayor and a city councilor of Fredericton had some
very serious email exchanges with the Plaintiff. The only
responses to the Plaintiff about the breach of his right to peaceful assembly
came from the (NBPC) on September 14, 2004 acknowledging his complaint (File no
2110-04-11) and two letters byway of email from the FPF. On September 30, 2004 a
Staff Sergeant of the FPF wrote that he was in possession of the complaint and
requested evidence to support the Plaintiff’s statement that he had been barred
from the legislative properties for “political reasons not legal reasons”
The Plaintiff responded and suggested that the FPF listen to the tape of the
interview he had with the NBPC and study all the evidence he gave to the NBPC in
the presence of a lawyer as a witness. The Staff Sergeant responded on October
29, 2004 stating that he had detailed reports from fellow members of the FPF and
he had interviewed the Sergeant-at-Arms. He claimed that his fellow police
officers acted appropriately and he would inform the Chief of the FPF that he
did not have sufficient cause under the Police Act to investigate the
complaint the Plaintiff registered with the NBPC against the FPF. The Plaintiff
pointed out that the conflict of interest but grateful the FPF acknowledged the
incident. The Mayor of Fredericton found no humour in that fact and sent the
Plaintiff many emails within minutes no doubt in an effort to overload his email
account. In 2003 the Plaintiff had demanded the Crown investigate the actions of
RCMP now the RCMP should do the same with the Crown because that para-military
police force has jurisdiction everywhere in Canada including all public and
private property controlled by the Crown even military bases. The words of the
Sergeant-at-Arms, Commissionaires and police were witnessed by only the
Plaintiff. A legal action about their offences against his rights under the
Charter would boil down to their word against his. Evidence was required because
he was outnumbered and attacked by people the Crown employed to understand the
law. It was doubtful they would act ethically and until June 16, 2006 the Crown
refused to put anything in writing to prove this claim about the fact that the
Plaintiff is barred from parliamentary properties.
36.
The Plaintiff states that the Crown is aware that far
greater offences have been practiced within the Capital District of NB by the
FPF and the RCMP against the Plaintiff. Many servants of the Crown have
challenged him to seek relief in a Canadian provincial court. The Plaintiff will
not oblige Crown attorneys of thier desires he will file in a court of a country
at a time he chooses. Time is on the Plaintiff’s side even though he getting old
and was finally allowed to collect his Canada Pension. His children and
grandchildren are still very young. Whatever was done against the Plaintiff was
done against his Clan as well. All of the Plaintiff’s heirs are Canadian
citizens and two of them are American citizens as well. The Crown, INTERPOL and
the American law enforcement authorities cannot deny that there is no statute of
limitations on certain crimes. The problem the Plaintiff is finding an ethical
journalist to report about the legal actions that he and the Crown have already
been involved in since 1982.
37.
The Plaintiff states that in October of 2004 if the Staff
Sergeant of the FPF had listened to the tape of his interview with the NBPC and
studied the documents they have in their possession he would not have been so
quick to dismiss the Plaintiff and his concerns in such a fashion. Their many
lawyers hardly ever allow corrupt police officers to admit that the Plaintiff
exists or put their malice towards him in writing. The Plaintiff had explained
to the NBPC what transpired on June 24th, 2004.
To explain briefly the police should have known instantly the Sergeant-at-Arms
actions were for political reasons as soon as he turned in the guest pass and
picked up his documents as he stepped outside the building. While the Plaintiff was inside the legislative
building he spoke to only three employees two Commissionaires and the librarian.
He did not interfere with the proceedings in the House as he watched the MLAs
and their assistants from the gallery, some of whom he knew personally. He did
notice political pundits in the building. One Cabinet Minister’s assistant had
been following him for a couple of days. His political foes wanted him off the
property immediately but they knew that he was not shy of litigation if the
Crown attempted to place a malicious charge against him. Therefore they elected
the Sergeant-at-Arms to try bully the Plaintiff.
38.
The Plaintiff states
that he satisfied himself as to the reasons behind the blatant malice once he
asked Sergeant-at-Arms and the police three questions as follows:
(1)
The Plaintiff first asked was why he was being barred from the
legislative property. The Sergeant-at-Arms falsely claimed in front of the
police that the Plaintiff had tried to serve documents on somebody inside the
parliamentary building. The Commissionaires and police knew that was untrue
because they all witnessed the fact that the Plaintiff had left all the
documents in his possession with the Commissionaire at the entrance before he
was allowed into the building and they all watched him pick up the same
documents as he turned in a visitor’s pass after he was asked to step outside of
the building.
(2)
The second question was to the police to see if they
agreed to the false claim of the Sergeant-at-Arms and if they would identify
themselves. After the Sergeant-at-Arms said something quickly in French and both
police officers stated that they agreed with him but only one would state his
name and rank.
(3)
The Plaintiff then
asked the Sergeant-at-Arms and the police if they thought they had
jurisdiction over him. They all said yes but refused to take any documents from
the Plaintiff just as the Deputy Prime Minister suggested.
39.
The Plaintiff states that three people who were mentioned during the aforesaid
meeting with the NBPC were Charles Leblanc, Byron Prior and the most wanted
American gangster Whitey Bulger. All three were well aware of the Plaintiff and
his actions. More importantly the NBPC were made well aware of the RCMP’s
knowledge of his possession of many American police surveillance wiretap tapes.
The NBPC were shown the very same tapes that he had promised to give to the
Suffolk County District Attorney in the Dorchester District Court of Boston
Massachusetts before a hearing to discuss an illegal summons to answer a
malicious unsigned criminal complaint (Docket no. 0407CR004623). When the
Plaintiff did so he was falsely imprisoned under the charges of
“other”.
40.
The Plaintiff states that an NBPC Commissioner did ask if they should take the
original wiretap tapes. The Plaintiff said no and that the RCMP already had some
but the NBPC could make copies of the ones before them. The NBPC declined and
said they did not have jurisdiction over the RCMP and that they only wished to
investigate why the FPF had threatened to arrest him on June 24th, 2004.
41.
The Plaintiff states that
read a few legal actions involving the NBPC. He truly believes that NBPC has a
mandate to oversee the actions of the RCMP in the employ of municipalities and
the government of NB. On April 12, 2013 an employee denied that the NBPC it has
any concerns with the RCMP, so he forwarded the NBPC a judgment with an
important statement. Whenever he called the NBPC afterwards she did not allow
him to speak to anyone and denied receiving any emails even though several were
published on the Internet. The judgment pertains to Miramichi Agricultural
Exhibition Association Ltd. v. Chatham (Town) 1995 CanLII 3862 (NB QB). The
statement reads as follows:
“Section 20 of the Police Act authorizes the
Police Commission to assess the adequacy of each police force and the Royal
Canadian Mounted Police and determine whether each municipality and the Province
is discharging its responsibility for the maintenance of an adequate level of
policing.”
42.
The Plaintiff states that in 2014 a confidential letter
from the lawyer who is now the chair of the NBPC was published by Charles
Leblanc. Within the aforesaid letter by a lawyer who was an officer in the
Canadian Forces when the Plaintiff was illegally barred in 2004 explained why he
and some other unnamed lawyers claimed that the Chief of the FPF and the NBPC
did not have jurisdiction over the legislative properties in order to
investigate the wrongs of the members of FPF under the Police Act. The
lawyers claimed that whereas the police were acting under the orders of the
Sergeant-at-Arms the immunity afforded them by parliamentary privilege would be
undermined if the Chief of the FPF and the NBPC upheld the law and the
Charter.
43.
The Plaintiff states that as soon as he read the aforesaid
letter he had a deeper understanding as to why the NBPC and the FPF had ignored
his concerns for ten years and have refused to answer hard copy or an email or
even come to the phone or return a call for ten years. He did manage to talk the
lawyer who wrote the letter. The lawyer just like another lawyer who was the
Chair of the NBPC since 2004 was offended that the Plaintiff would dare to call
his law office instead of the NBPC. They both knew the reason was because every
time he called the NBPC, the Commissioners and their executive directors were
never available. They definitely did not return calls or answer emails from the
Plaintiff. The assistant who had denied receiving any emails during his last
conversation with her in May of 2015 said that NBPC was never going to talk to
him again. It appears the NBPC believe that parliamentary privileges extend to
them as well. Whether or not that is true the NBPC must agree that the RCMP have
no civilian oversight whatsoever and that it is the only police force that has
jurisdiction to investigate the actions of the Crown on parliamentary
properties, the Canadian Forces and their semi-retired cohorts within the Corps
of Commissionaires. It appears to the Plaintiff that the NBPC will not
investigate the RCMP and in return the RCMP will not investigate them. However,
they do report to the Crown and the Crown answers to the citizens it purportedly
serves and protects.
44.
The Plaintiff states that claimed parliamentary privileges
of public officials are not above the rule of law just because some unnamed
lawyers deem it to be so. Some of the privileges parliamentarians lay claim to
cannot be found in the Constitution or any other Act. They are implied by
longstanding parliamentary traditions and seldom challenged in a court of law.
45.
The Plaintiff states that claimed parliamentary privileges
must not be exercised secretly by the Crown against a citizen of an open and
just democracy because he visited parliamentary properties while exercising his
rights under the Charter and attempting to unseat its political friends. He
vividly recalls the last encounter with the Sergeant-at-Arms that caused the
Crown to create a “Barring Notice”.
46.
The Plaintiff states that on or about March 24th, 2006 he went to the Office of the Conflict of Interest
Commissioner of NB to give him the same documents he had promised the
Commissioner of Federal Judicial Affairs, the Clerk of the Privy Council,
Independent MP Andre Arthur, Independent MLA Tanker O’Malley and many others.
The Commissionaire guarding door would not allow him in the building or take the
documents. The Sergeant-at-Arms must have been notified because he was soon to
appear and threatened to have the Plaintiff arrested again. He asked why this
time. The Sergeant-at-Arms said he had already been warned to stay off
legislative property. The Plaintiff pointed out the fact that he was not on the
legislative property across the street but if the Crown wished to press false
charges against him the police should be called then he would look forward to
arguing the Sergeant-at-Arms in a court of law. The Sergeant-at-Arms claimed
that they were standing on parliamentary property but did not call the
police.
47.
The Plaintiff states that he then informed the
Sergeant-at-Arms if he thought he had a legal right to bar a citizen from
parliamentary properties he should have the Crown put the reasons to do so in
writing just like the NBPC had demanded of him when he complained of the
Sergeant-at-Arms and the FPF about their malevolent actions against him two
years before. There was no response from the Sergeant-at-Arms to that simple
statement.
48.
The Plaintiff states that he then asked the
Sergeant-at-Arms in front of witnesses if he still thought he had jurisdiction
over him on King Street and the response was yes. So the Plaintiff gave him the
documents and a CD destined for the Conflict of Interest Commissioner and
demanded an answer in writing. The Sergeant-at-Arms took the documents but
refused to sign a receipt for them. He tried to take picture but the
Sergeant-at-Arms crossed King Street and around the corner too quickly. The Plaintiff received no answer from Conflict
of Interest Commissioner about his concerns. He called and emailed a copy of the
cover letter to the Commissioner’s office to see if it received his documents
and was ignored. The Commissionaire watching that day knows who took the
documents.
49.
The Plaintiff states that whereas there was no federal
oversight of the securities exchange business and no civilian oversight of the
RCMP, he took his concerns to the highest officials of each province who
represented their governments and the Crown. By the end of July in 2005, he
emailed and called the offices of the Premiers and Lieutenant Governors eight
provinces. The Premier of Alberta did speak to the Plaintiff after he staged a
parade on Wall Street in order to promote his province and that conversation did
not go well. In early August 2005 he met the Alberta Premier’s challenge and
included all provinces in their argument. The Premiers and Lieutenant Governors
received by way of their Attorney General hard copy of many documents and a CD
similar to those acknowledged by the Governor General and the Lieutenant
Governors of NB and NL in 2004. They were sent by registered US mail (signature
required). Since that time not one Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General or
Premier has responded to the Plaintiff other than the occasional insulting email.
Over the past ten years the offices of the Attorney Generals for Nova Scotia,
Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, British Columbia and Newfoundland admitted on
the telephone that his documents are in their files. However, not one would
person was willing to explain why and who had determined his communication and
evidence did not deserve an answer. The offices of the Attorney Generals for
Canada, Ontario, Quebec and Prince Edward Island denied having anything from the
Plaintiff. Those offices could not explain how registered mail sent signature
required to their boss could get lost. Ten years later several provinces are
attempting to join with the other provinces to oversee the securities exchange
business through one corporation. The Crown must admit that corruption can be
the only reason why all the Attorney Generals in Canada would continue to ignore
a Canadian whistleblower’s documents that employees and Inspector Generals of
the US Treasury Dept. and agents of the Crown in the United Kingdom have
acknowledged beginning in January of 2002. All of the Attorney Generals of
Canada should have noticed that the Plaintiff was capable of creating and
arguing lawsuits against the Attorney General of Massachusetts and embarrassing
the US Attorney when he attempted to make the complaints illegally evaporate
“Ex Parte”. This complaint proves this statement is true.
50.
The Plaintiff states that he has had many conversations
with many Canadian law enforcement authorities etc. about his documentation etc.
and he was usually the one to make first contact. However, in 2008 he was rather
surprised when the office of the Auditor General of Canada called him on their
own accord not long after he had received a response from the Commission of
Public Sector Integrity to a complaint he made in 2007. The person who called
was very elusive about the reason the Auditor General was contacting him but he
gathered from the brief conversation someone was talking to the Commission of
Public Sector Integrity. So he called the lawyer who just sent him the very
strange response to see if she had changed her mind. She recognized the
Plaintiff voice even though it had been six months since they had talked and
asked him to hold the line. Thus the Plaintiff surmised she was expecting his
call. Apparently she was because the Plaintiff was surprised once again when a
man who would not identify himself came on the line claiming to be corporate
security and threatened to have him arrested if the Plaintiff ever called their
Commission again. The Plaintiff was not surprised to hear in late 2010 that the
Auditor General had been auditing the Commission of Public Sector Integrity. The
Plaintiff contacted the person in charge of the Freedom of Information to see if
the Auditor General had his complaint. He was not surprised to see the Office of
Auditor General claim that they did not have his file. What surprised him was
the fact that Auditor General dared to deny it in writing.
51.
The Plaintiff states that the Crown is well aware that the
last responses that he received from the Office of the Auditor General, the
Privy Council Office, the Commission of Public Complaints Against the RCMP, the
Commission of Public Sector Integrity and actions of the RCMP against the
Plaintiff in 2014 and 2015 have caused him quit looking for ethical conduct to
come from anyone employed in the public service of Canada. In March of 2015
byway of an ethical lawyer in British Columbia the Plaintiff, the Commissioner
of the RCMP and his legal department that whereas the RCMP has refused to
investigate itself then it should at least stop harassing his family and wait to
this lawsuit and his next one.
52.
The Plaintiff states that from July of 1982 until July of
2008 the wrongful actions of the Crown and its cohorts against him were usually
covert and very difficult to prove because it typically involved the word of the
several police officers against his alone. The Crown should have noticed that
amongst the documents that the Plaintiff provided it in 2004 there are two
documents from the Attorney General of NY. One document was labeled “Re
corruption” (reference no. 04/000233). The Plaintiff forwarded the Attorney
General of Canada amongst others emails containing his recent communications in
2015 with the Attorney General of NY about that file. The Crown should be aware
that the Attorney General of NY in 2004 became the Governor of NY and that he
was arrested by the FBI in 2008 while he was outside of his jurisdiction in the
US Capital but never prosecuted for any offence. The RCMP falsely arrested the
Plaintiff when he returned to the Capital District of NB shortly afterwards. The
RCMP practiced their wrongs on private property without a warrant or due process
of law and never placed any charges against the Plaintiff as well. The downturn
of the stock market in NY within months of both arrests caused a major worldwide
recession. On October 8, 2008 the Plaintiff finally received an answer from the
Prime Minister of Iceland whose Canadian Ambassador received exactly the same
documents the Speaker in the House of Commons received in May of 2006 that his
Sergeant-At- Arms refused to answer. In December of 2008 Bernie Madoff was
arrested by the FBI in NY and by March of 2008 the US Attorney in NY and
the SEC in Washington admitted in
writing that the Plaintiff was involved in the Madoff matter and that his
documents had been filed under seal and against the Plaintiff’s wishes. On
September 8, 2015, the Office of the Inspector General of the SEC sent the
Plaintiff and email suggesting that the Plaintiff file a new complaint within
their website. The Plaintiff was quick to inform the SEC and many law
enforcement authorities in Canada of his indignation as the news broke about the
possible criminal actions of KPMG, the very auditors he was complaining of with
regards to his family’s interests and the Madoff matter. The Plaintiff as usual
has been ignored as of this date. However the Plaintiff has noticed a sudden
upturn in visits to websites where his words and work are published. It is no
coincidence.
53.
The Plaintiff states that
the Crown cannot deny that the Arar matter proved that the Canadian and American
law enforcement authorities have had an agreement to share their questionable
information and that Canadians do suffer from their unconfirmed suspicions. The
very same law enforcement authorities attacked a whistleblower when he gave them
irrefutable evidence to cause an investigation of their wrongs. A recent
judgment of the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC), Wakeling v
United States of America, 2014 SCC 72, allows the RCMP to share their surveillance wiretap
tapes of Canadian citizens with Americans. However, the RCMP and the FBI etc. do
not wish to deal with American wiretap tapes of a mob that definitely practices
its crimes across many borders. The lawyer working for the Plaintiff’s wife in a
sincere effort to see justice served sent several of the original wiretap tapes
to a US Senator who was a chair of the US Judiciary Committee after polling day
for the election of the 39th Parliament. The
lawyer did so on or about day the Governor General witnessed the first
Conservative Cabinet Ministers of the current Canadian government swear an oath
to the Crown. The Plaintiff sent proof of this statement to many members of the
39th Parliament before a confidence vote on its
first budget. An opposition member acknowledged it but ignored it and only
answered in a fashion that his opinions about sending the Canadian Forces into
combat agreed with the Plaintiff’s.
54.
The Plaintiff states that
the Crown is well aware that until July 15th,
1982 the Plaintiff held a great respect for her servants in the RCMP. The Crown
cannot deny that he explained the reasons for his change of mind with regards to
the RCMP in his communications to the Commissioner of the RCMP, the FBI, the US
Treasury Department and the Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and
International Trade (DFAIT) amongst many others byway of fax and certified US
Mail in November and December of 2003. As the Plaintiff stated in paragraph 3
his ire was raised when the Deputy Prime Minister chose to acknowledge his
concerns only after he received acknowledgment of a complaint on file with the
US Department of Homeland Security.
55.
The Plaintiff states that
he knew in September of 2004 that the Crown and the Americans were never going
to uphold the law in regards to his concerns as he saw his tracked US Mail to
DFAIT being forwarded elsewhere and his tracked mail to the RCMP evaporated from
the Canada Post records. Furthermore his home phone line was cut right after
Byron Prior notified him he was being much harassed and his American lawyer
Barry Bachrach called to say that recent actions of the FBI and others had
frightened him and that for the benefit of his family he was staying away from
the Plaintiff and not going to court with on October 1, 2004. The Plaintiff
expecting foul play prepared his wife to notify his Septs who held his Durable
Power of Attorney and to visit Josie Maguire, the same person in the Canadian
Consulate in Boston whom he sent his documents to on December 16, 2003. On
October 1, 2004 a judge acted ethically and recused himself after witnessing the
Plaintiff sign an affidavit and file it in the docket of the court along with
hundreds of supporting documents proving the malicious prosecution by a layman
clerk with no mandate to create a criminal prosecution. On September 3, 2003, the Plaintiff gave the police surveillance wiretap
tapes that he had shown to the NBPC to the Suffolk County District Attorney
before he stood before a sub municipal court to demand that it prove
jurisdiction to hear a criminal prosecution involving a prison term and what
right did a clerk have to summon a Canadian citizen across an international
border to answer unknown criminal charges after the Boston Police would not
discuss anything with him and the District Attorney claimed in writing that they
were not involved in the matter. The court then changed its plan and he was
called before another judge who read the affidavit and immediately sent the
Plaintiff to jail held under the charges of “other” in solitary
confinement with no chance of bail. The actions of the Plaintiff’s wife in
Boston and his Septs in Canada caused a member of the RCMP and Josie Maguire to
meet with him inside the American jail to advise him that they could not help
him and because he must obey the laws of other countries he visits and then gave
him an amazing document signed by a judge that had been faxed to them by the
very clerk who had him falsely imprisoned.
56.
The Plaintiff states that
in response he thanked the Crown’s representatives in the USA for the proof of
malice and showed them a faxed copy of the letter from the Governor General
dated September 11, 2004 that he had received just before his home phone line
was cut. He informed them that perhaps the Crown should expect a few lawsuits
against it in Canada and the USA then dismissed them.
57.
The Plaintiff states that
the Crown and the Americans have always demanded that the Plaintiff keep his
interactions in confidence with the RCMP, the FBI, the US Treasury Dept. and
other secretive law enforcement authorities. The Plaintiff as a whistleblower
about financial crimes proved that he did keep his concerns with the federal
agents in Canada and the USA in confidence until Canada Day 2002 when he began
filing his exhibits supporting two lawsuits in an American court. He continued
to keep in confidence with the FBI the fact that he was in possession of
hundreds of police surveillance wiretap tapes until April 1, 2003 when the US
Secret Service and the Milton Police Department appeared at his door in the
middle of the night with false allegations of a presidential threat and
threatening extraordinary rendition because the Plaintiff was a foreign national
just like Maher Arar. The Plaintiff called the RCMP headquarters the following
day to inquire if they were informed about the visit the night before by the
Secret Service. Some lady who claimed she was a lawyer said the RCMP knew all
about the Plaintiff. She hung the phone when she was asked if the RCMP had
listened to the police surveillance wiretap tapes he had given to the FBI. The
conversation with the RCMP lawyer caused the Plaintiff to begin sharing a true
copy of only one wiretap tape with hundreds of members of the bar and other law
enforcement authorities in Canada and the USA. He has received an incredible
number of incompetent responses. He only sent a few of the responses with the
Crown thus far. There are many more.
58.
The Plaintiff states that
it is important to inform the Federal Court what is on the CD that the Governor
General’s office acknowledged having two copies of in paragraph 8. It is a true
copy of an American police surveillance wiretap tape.
59.
The Plaintiff states that
in his opinion he sees no harm in it being heard in public in Federal Court. He
published copies of it in two American Internet domains in 2008 after the RCMP
falsely arrested him and attempted to have him certified as mentally ill. The
actions of the RCMP caused the Crown to have the problem the American’s have had
since 2004 when they tried the same malicious trick rather than uphold the law.
The problem is that the Plaintiff’s health has no bearing on irrefutable hard
evidence. He should not be in possession of police surveillance wiretap tapes
that offend the civil rights of many American citizens. With regards to this
complaint about being illegally barred from parliamentary properties, the
plaintiff must point out that the Commissioner of the RCMP and the Minister of
Public Safety knew of the American police surveillance wiretap tapes in 2003.
Furthermore in 2004 the RCMP and a catholic priest had several original wiretap
tapes and the FPF, the NBPC, many members of the bar and public officials
received a true copy of CDs the Governor General acknowledged before the
Plaintiff was falsely imprisoned in the USA. The aforesaid problem is getting
worse because every day more people around the world are aware of the wiretap
tapes and two of the tapes have been downloaded a number of times by unknown
parties. The Plaintiff cannot take them back even if he wanted to. The public
has always taken far more interest about what is recorded on the wiretap tapes
than his whistleblowing efforts about financial crimes but that could change
anytime. Sooner or later someone will recognize who the people recorded on the
tapes are and it may generate many lawsuits in the USA without involving the
Plaintiff but has many more he has yet to reveal. The Plaintiff still has a
number of wiretap tapes in his possession and several were stolen by the FPF
along with his motorcycle. Other tapes are scattered about in Canada and the USA
with people he trusts far more than any member of the RCMP or the FBI. Others
tapes are hidden. Many of the wiretap tapes were no longer in the Plaintiff’s
possession for over ten years. He made certain no one gave him any idea as to
where most of the wiretap tapes are hidden but he secured the proof of the
wiretap tapes he had given to the RCMP and various law enforcement authorities
placed in the public record of American courts and that his former lawyer sent
to a US Senator.
60.
The Plaintiff states that
before he left the USA, the Plaintiff made the people he trusts far more than
any other Yankee promise that the tapes would surface if his American family
were in jeopardy. It was no longer safe for a family to live with its father in
the USA or Canada, too many corrupt law enforcement authorities and lawyers
working for mobsters knew he had the wiretap tapes. It was not his fault that
his family lost their interests because of the illegal actions of family lawyers
and their friends within the justice system. The Plaintiff did the best he could
in his Clan’s defence of their homes and interests. He will die with a clear
conscience about that fact. However, he knew if his Clan suffered in any fashion
because of his actions trying to compel the RCMP and FBI to act ethically it
would be his fault because he knew the federal agents in Canada and the USA were
infinitely corrupt since 1982 when they began to call him a drug dealer etc.
61.
The Plaintiff states that
he and his wife agree that they should have moved to Canada as they planned when
they wed in 1991 but it was a common decision to stay put in the USA. Simply
put, the wiretap tapes that put his Clan in jeopardy also offered the only way
that a proud but bankrupt father could protect his Clan in his forced absence
from the people he loves far more than life itself. Eleven years later quite a
number of the Yankee mobsters and their lawyers are now dead or imprisoned. More
importantly, the Plaintiff’s children are now adults and live separately. The
Plaintiff sees no need to keep any of the wiretap tapes in confidence anymore.
After the election of the 42nd Parliament, he
will begin publishing more wiretap tapes in the public domain. He will copyright
them and consider them a form of entertainment about true history of the mob and
offer them for sale. Any settlement of any future lawsuit about his knowledge of
financial crimes and his Clan’s stolen assets will be for their benefit and that
of their children. Their lawyers will need their father’s records in order to
assist them to that end. The Crown must understand that this complaint is one
many actions that are part of his records. The wiretap tapes insure that there
will be no statute of limitations. With regards to this complaint, the
Plaintiff reminds the Crown of paragraph 48 and the Sergeant-at-Arms took a CD
and documents.
62.
The Plaintiff states that the Clerk of Federal Court in the
Capital District of NB for reasons he will never understand mailed the documents
back to him instead of mailing them to the Commissioner of Federal Judicial
Affairs who was expecting them. So the Plaintiff called that Commissioner’s
office and then emailed a digital copy of the cover letter and the clerk’s
response and was ignored as well.
63.
The Plaintiff states that with regards to this complaint
the Crown should obey Section 18(2) of the Charter and serve the document in two
official languages. The “Barring Notice” should state who, when and why
he was found to be in “Contempt of the House”. The Crown should not try
to intimidate a citizen with a threat of arrest for an implied breach of a
contract about trespass on public property not agreed to by him. The Crown
should have published a proper “Barring Notice” in the Royal Gazette so
that all Canadians could read it before attempting to arrest and charge any
citizen for exercising his right to freedom of assembly in and around the most
important public properties of all Canada.
64.
The Plaintiff states
that in 2004 during his research of the Crown barring citizens from
parliamentary property, he found mention of Louis Riel being barred from the
House of Commons despite the fact he had been democratically elected to the
membership therein. However, the Plaintiff could not find anything within
the Charter or the Constitution Act, 1967 or the
Parliament of Canada Act, or the Criminal
Code about how the Crown could take such an action against a citizen who had
not been charged and found guilty with breaking an applicable law first. He recorded his opinion of the Crown barring
citizens within the cover letters accompanying the documents sent to the
Governor General, the Prime Minister, a Canadian Senator, the Arar Inquiry, the
Chief Electoral Officer of Canada, the Premier, Attorney General, Speaker of the
House and Lieutenant Governor of NB, and the Premier and Lieutenant Governor of
Newfoundland and Labrador (NL) and many others. All the public officials ignored
the subject of barring.
65.
The Plaintiff states that in the summer of 2004 Byron Prior
a Canadian citizen told the Plaintiff that he too was barred under threat of
arrest from the legislative building of NL. Many parliamentarians knew that the
Plaintiff supported Byron Prior’s pursuit of justice but he did not share his
support of two newly merged federal Conservative parties. In return Byron Prior
did not support his candidacy in the election of the 38th Parliament. They remained friends until April of 2005.
They did not consider Byron Prior’s barring a coincidence so they decided to
include Byron Prior in the Plaintiff’s matters in order to show their support of
each other’s concerns about justice for their families. The Plaintiff has
monitored Byron Prior’s actions ever since although they are no longer friends.
Byron Prior enjoyed receiving a copy of one response in particular and he and
his associates used copies of some the Plaintiff’s documents within at least
five legal actions.
66.
The Plaintiff states that the response from the Lieutenant
Governor of NL is contrary to the opinions of the Deputy Prime Minister of
Canada and the Attorney General of NB. Clearly he believed that the Attorney General of his province had the power to
have crimes investigated. The text of the letter Crown’s vice regal
representative in NL is as follows:
GOVERNMENT
HOUSE
Newfoundland and
Labrador
“September 10th, 2004
Dear
Mr. Amos:
The
Lieutenant Governor has asked me to acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 2
September, addressed directly to him, the Honourable Danny Williams, the
Honourable John Crosbie and Mr. Brian Furey. He has asked me to tell you that he
has neither the authority nor the responsibility over matters such as those
raised in your letter and the associated material.
Accordingly at his instructions, I have sent the material to the
Honourable Thomas Marshall, QC, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice for
Newfoundland and Labrador, with the request that he take whatever further action
he considers necessary and appropriate to deal with it.
Sincerely yours,
Leona Harvey
Secretary
to Lieutenant Governor”
67.
The Plaintiff states that in 2004 the 37th Parliament and many others in NB and NL were informed
that he knew of Byron Prior and Charles Leblanc and that he supported their
pursuit of justice byway of the social media. He called his fellow Maritimers
after reading their words about politicians and listened to the reasons why they
were collecting social assistance and could not afford computers. They did not
care about his concerns with politicians but he believed them and offered his
assistance by giving them computers. The Plaintiff asked that they publish the
truth about his actions and to serve politicians copies of his documents.
Leblanc publicly insulted the Plaintiff after receiving his computer and stole
documents he promised to give to the Attorney General of NB and gave them to his
activist friends instead. Leblanc was asked why behaved in such a fashion and he
wrote back that he thought he was being funny and stated that he was not a
sheriff then sent an email asking if the Plaintiff was a fair comparison to his
dog. That email convinced the Plaintiff that Leblanc was a Conservative insider
because he had apparently read a letter sent to the Attorney General. It did not
take the Plaintiff long to figure out who his activist friends were because
Leblanc had forwarded their email address along with pictures of his dog. Prior
was difficult to deal with but he was true to his word. It was he who delivered
the documents to the parties named in paragraph 53. In 2005 Prior was sued for
libel within his website. The Plaintiff wrote his defence and counterclaim and
it remained on the Internet until 2010. Prior’s one website had more visitors
than all the blogs of Leblanc until late 2006 when the New York Times reported
that a judge found Leblanc not guilty in a criminal trial and considered him to
be a legitimate journalist. As the readership of his blog soared, Leblanc and
all politicians became much better friends. In 2007 the Irving media empire
complained of the Plaintiff and Leblanc to Google and Yahoo. In response the
Plaintiff’s blog, two email accounts and all his legal documents stored within
Yahoo’s domain were deleted. Leblanc’s blog was deleted then restored. The FPF
arrested Leblanc again in 2012. The Plaintiff reminded the Crown of a judgment
of Byron Prior finding Section 301 of the Criminal Code unconstitutional
and law professors came to Leblanc’s aid. The Plaintiff caused Leblanc’s
“other personality” blog to be deleted not the
FPF.
68.
The Plaintiff states that the Crown is well aware of three
legal actions against Byron Prior. One action is a civil lawsuit for libel filed
in Supreme Court of NL in January of 2005 against Byron Prior by a MP and that a
publication ban was placed on the matter immediately. Two are criminal
prosecutions of Byron Prior for libel. One prosecution under section 301 of the
Criminal Code was found to be unconstitutional in 2008. The Plaintiff was
falsely imprisoned by the RCMP in a mental ward of a hospital after he spread
the word that the Crown had lost. The Plaintiff does not know the judgment in
the second trial under section 300. He does know that in 2009 Byron Prior filed
some of the Plaintiff’s documents in the docket before he was imprisoned in a
mental hospital until early 2010.
69.
The Plaintiff states that it was not logical that Crown
considered Byron Prior’s actions on the legislative properties in NL criminal.
The Crown was arresting and prosecuting him in NL while the RCMP were issuing
him permits to do exactly the same thing in front of the House of Commons for
months at a time from the spring of 2006 to at least the spring 2011. The Crown
prosecutes and defends all criminal actions at a provincial and federal level.
If the Crown was sincere in its prosecution of Byron Prior it should have
arrested him on the grounds of the House of Commons in the spring of 2006.
Instead the Crown had the RCMP and a lawyer whom the Plaintiff ran against in
the election of the 38th Parliament investigate
Byron Prior’s concerns at the request of his MP (Later appointed a Senator) and
the Minister of Justice (Who his left seat in the 41st Parliament midterm as
Minister of Public Safety and was appointed to be a judge).
70.
The Plaintiff states that with regards to this complaint he
knows for certain that because of his association with Byron Prior in early 2004
the Crown has had a conflict of interest that affects the interests of nearly
all the federal and provincial political parties of Canada. The Crown is well
aware that a law firm of a former Premier and a MP of NL represented Byron Prior
in the past. The Prime Minister and his current Attorney General are well aware
the Plaintiff published copies of letters from them to Byron Prior as they sat
in opposition of the 37th Parliament.
71.
The Plaintiff states that in his opinion banning the
publication of legal documents after a public official sues a citizen for libel
or when the Crown decides to prosecute the same citizen twice for libel does not
serve the public interest and raises many questions about the actions of the
Crown. Whereas the Plaintiff truly believes such actions only serve to protect
the Crown and public officials from being embarrassed by their words and deeds
since 2002 he has published on the Internet every document involving him that he
has deemed necessary to expose the public corruption just like Byron Prior did
beginning in 2002. That was how Byron Prior discovered the Plaintiff and
contacted him in early 2004 and the Plaintiff discovered and contacted Charles
Leblanc in Fredericton NB and later introduced them to Werner Bock of NB and his
concerns. The Plaintiff believes that is why the Crown bars and imprisons its
opponents who are adept with the social media. Corporate media protects privacy
and never mentions the malice because like Louis Riel the Crown has deemed the
poor souls to be mentally ill.
72.
The Plaintiff states that in early 2006 Saga Books of
Calgary, Alberta published a book about Byron Prior and the MP whom the
Plaintiff ran against in 2004 and hopefully again in 2014 had researched Byron
Prior’s matters. His report to the Minister of Justice in late 2006 has not been
made public. More importantly the lawyer who has been the MP representing Fundy
Royal for the past eleven years and that the former Minister of Public Safety
acknowledged an email from the Plaintiff about Byron Prior that contained the
entire text of his website before the writ was dropped for the election of the
38th Parliament. The aforesaid email exchange has
been published in the Internet for eleven years. Everything on the Internet
published by Byron Prior beginning in 2002 has been removed. The last comments
of Byron Prior that the Plaintiff could find published on the Internet was
within a few videos a “Freeman” character named Max published within the YouTube
domain. It was an interview of Byron Prior as he was protesting on the grounds
of the House of Commons the day after the Prime Minister was found in
“Contempt of Parliament” and his most contemptuous minority mandate
became a matter of history. His majority mandate is history and the Plaintiff
seeks relief.
73.
The Plaintiff states that he did see a comment posted in a
public Facebook of one of Byron Prior’s many associates in British Colombia
claiming that Byron Prior had been arrested in Ottawa in 2012 as had several
other of his associates across Canada for various reasons during 2012. The
whereabouts of Byron Prior are not known to the Plaintiff but he does know that
Charles Leblanc lives one block up the same street as the Federal Court in
Fredericton is located. Leblanc is being prosecuted by the Crown and suing the
FPF at the same time. It is unlikely he would move far from the city soon. If
the Crown wishes to argue this complaint Byron Prior and Charles Leblanc should
be summoned to testify about what they know of this matter and of their being
illegally barred from parliament properties as well. Failing that the Plaintiff
has collected a large amount of documentation including documents, videos and
webpages etc. He can provide byway of digital media much evidence for the Crown
to review about the concerns of Byron Prior and Charles Leblanc and their
association with the Plaintiff and many others.
74.
The Plaintiff states that in June of 2009 while Byron Prior
was before the court a supporter of his, Robin Reid informed the Plaintiff that
she was barred from the legislative properties of Alberta and while visiting a
constituency office of a MP she had been arrested by the RCMP and assaulted in a
locked cell of a hospital in the St Albert area of Alberta. Her arrest was after
her visits to the constituency offices of the Prime Minister and an Edmonton
MLA. Ms. Reid forwarded her emails to and from the Prime Minister’s office, the
RCMP, a former Premier and the office of the Sergeant-at-Arms and asked the
Plaintiff to support her. The Plaintiff introduced himself to all the
aforementioned parties in order to assist Robin Reid and they were ignored for
years. In 2012 the Plaintiff discovered he could
no longer assist Ms. Reid because she agreed with the actions of Neo Nazis who
supported Byron Prior and Werner Bock. The RCMP and many other law enforcement
authorities in Canada and the USA are well aware of the reasons why the
Plaintiff is not associated with such people in any fashion other than to attack
them with his written words. Neo Nazis are not worthy of further mention in this
complaint against the Crown but their Zionist foe, Barry Winters is.
75.
The Plaintiff states that the RCMP is well aware of the
libel, sexual harassment, and death threats practiced against his family that
have been published on the Internet since 2005 by fans (Trolls) who supported
Byron Prior. Four Trolls who live in Alberta are Barry Winters, Dean Roger Ray,
Eddy Achtem and Patrick Doran They have many “Anonymous” cohorts throughout
Canada, the USA and the United Kingdom. The actions of these Trolls created an
important example of cyberbullying. Law enforcement officials have ignored these
Trolls because of the Plaintiff’s standing as a whistleblower exposing
corruption within the justice system. The Plaintiff is aware that several people
complained about their actions over the years. In fact the mother of Dean Roger
Ray recently her indignation in Barry Winter’s blog. Complaints about Barry
Winters can be seen on the Internet by Glen Canning and Professor Kris Wells,
two politically well-connected people who complain of cyberbullying often. Proof
the Edmonton Police Force (EPS), RCMP, FBI and police in the UK have been
ignoring the Plaintiff’s complaints about these Trolls can also viewed on the
Internet. The Plaintiff fought fire with fire but did so in a legal fashion and
kept the police fully informed of his actions. The Plaintiff was successful in
causing numerous egregious videos and several blogs to be taken down after doing
his best to find out who the “Anonymous” people were and reporting them. He
saved all the blogs and videos published about his family before the malice was
removed from public view. Three Trolls who continue to attack his family and
others are Dean Roger Ray, Barry Winters and one government employee. A member
of the legal dept. of Edmonton tried to claim that the Plaintiff was Barry
Winters then complained to the EPS about the Plaintiff’s questions about her
incompetence. Professor Kris Wells, who was associated with the Police
Commission of Edmonton and Glen Canning, who lost his daughter to cyberbullying,
said nothing. They were content that the Plaintiff managed to convince Google’s
lawyers to remove one of Barry Winters’s blogs on October 23, 2014 and say
nothing about his blog within WordPress that the Troll uses to continue his
libel of them and their friends. Instead Glen Canning slandered the Plaintiff
within Twitter after Kris Wells sent the Plaintiff an email stating his lawyer
had advised him to ignore Barry Winters and his blogs.
76.
The Plaintiff states that since the fall of 2014 he has
given up on the notion that any police officer or Glen Canning and Professor
Kris Wells would ever act with any semblance of integrity. All their actions
appear to be for the purposes of self-promotion and personal gain. Canning and
Wells received the same emails that were sent to politicians and law enforcement
authorities and only Barry Winters responded to all and disputed the Plaintiff’s
words. The EPS in June of 2015 informed the Plaintiff that they intend to
prosecute Barry Winters for sending “False Messages” instead of
prosecuting for his published malice under Sections 300 and 319 of the
Criminal Code. That fact must be true because since June the Plaintiff
has not received any emails from Barry Winters and within his blog he has
slandered the EPS and often mentions the topic of “False Messages”. In
the meantime Canning and Wells ignore the Plaintiff’s common concerns while
continuing to profess of their abundant knowledge of bullying to university
students and anyone else who will listen to them particularly members of the
corporate media. The Plaintiff saves every word of Canning and Wells that they
cause to be published on the topic cyberbullying and plans to file them as his
exhibits to support a lawsuit to seek relief from the cyberbullying of his
Clan. He considers the blogs of
Barry Winters and the videos of his associates that remain published on the
Internet to be important evidence of cyberbullying that the Crown will be
arguing within a provincial court of his choice after the election of the
42nd Parliament. Therefore other than remind the
Crown and others that he is recording the work of the Trolls, he has not
reported their malice to Google and WordPress anymore because the RCMP should
have done so long ago.
77.
The Plaintiff states that in June of 2015 when a member of
the EPS called him four times with an anonymous telephone number asking him to
stop emailing public officials about Barry Winters’s blog and to file a formal
complaint. The Plaintiff was offended by the anonymous talk of “False
Messages”. He refused and stated that if the questionable public officials
found his emails quoting the blog of Barry Winters upsetting then the EPS and
the RCMP should uphold the law and do something about it in order to protect
their reputations.
78.
The Plaintiff states that until the EPS member clearly
identified himself with his badge number in the fourth phone call and sent a
follow up email to back up his words, the Plaintiff could not know for certain
that a Troll or the EPS had been calling him. The Plaintiff has a record of two
fraudulent calls to him during the same period of time, one using an RCMP phone
number and the other used the phone number of Dana Durnford, a well-known Troll
and friend of Byron Prior. The Plaintiff returned the calls. Dana Durnford in a
predictable fashion denied knowing him and hung up but the Plaintiff did discuss
the malice of Trolls with an ethical member of the RCMP. The RCMP and the FBI
know that anyone can access several websites based in the USA and engage their
free services to harass people with. The RCMP know that some programs allow
cyberbullies to pretend to be anyone by having their telephone numbers
(including that of the RCMP or the EPS) appear on their victims’ phone display.
The Crown knows commercial programs assist in political deceit. Recently, it
sent a former assistant of the MP the Plaintiff ran against Fundy-Royal in 2004
to jail because of robo calls.
79.
The Plaintiff states that he has clearly explained his
intentions to sue the EPS and the RCMP many times because they have been
ignoring his complaints for eight years. It was obvious to him what the EPS was
trying to do with him in June was trick. The RCMP has been trying to pull the
same trick on the Plaintiff since 2003. The Crown knows that if the EPS managed
to secure a complaint with the Plaintiff’s signature then it would delay his
lawsuit because the EPS could claim that his complaint under investigation and
that the EPS could say nothing about it until the matter had concluded. The
Plaintiff informed the EPS that anyone could use an anonymous phone number and
claim to be anyone if it wished to talk then it should do so from an
identifiable telephone line or put it in writing just like he does. In fact the
Plaintiff’s family have been getting anonymous calls for many years and the
police claimed they could do nothing because the malicious calls came through
the Internet. The RCMP would have acted ethically if the families of public
officials were subject to the harassment his Clan has suffered instead of
assisting in the illegal barring from the parliamentary properties of
Canada.
80.
The Plaintiff states that
the subject of the Crown and Internet harassment became incredibly worse in 2007
long before the demise of two Canadian teenagers caused new cyber laws to be
created and promptly ignored. In 2008 while the Plaintiff’s family and friends
were being much harassed within many YouTube Channels by Trolls, the RCMP in NB
created a YouTube channel of its own to use as tool to catch a local arsonist.
As soon as the Plaintiff made a comment about eleven incidents of arson on his
friend’s farm in the same area the Plaintiff and his friend were attacked by
many Troll’s within the Crown’s domain within YouTube and the RCMP only laughed
at the obvious malice that they were publishing for a year without attempting to
moderate the comments. In early 2009 the comments within the RCMP YouTube
channel change greatly with the arrest and imprisonment of members of the
Tingley family pertaining to charges of “Organized Crime”. The libel
continued until Werner Bock printed all the comments within the RCMP YouTube
channel and delivered hard copy of it in hand to a local office of the
RCMP. Once the Plaintiff had a conversation with a member of the
RCMP in Moncton NB who was investigating Bock’s complaint, the RCMP took down
their video with all the comments and said nothing further about it. The
Plaintiff did manage to save most of the comments digitally before they were
deleted by the Trolls and the RCMP. Years later the Crown stayed the
“Organized Crime” charges against the Tingleys and a publication ban was
placed on their concerns about malicious prosecution. The matter was put before
the Supreme Court of Canada Rodney Tingley, et al. v. Her Majesty the Queen SCC Docket no. 34107 and the
Plaintiff had no idea of any outcome. However in late 2014 he did speak with
some of the Tingleys and they admitted to knowing about him and his common
concerns with the RCMP. One Tingley stated that their lawyers have advised them
not to speak to him because of the publication ban. The same holds true with his
former friend Werner Bock and Hank Temper another German who moved to NB to
farm. They had trouble with the RCMP acting against them. A search on the
Internet with their names and the Plaintiff’s easily proves his assistance but
they will never acknowledge it as they attack the Crown, Bock byway of social
media and Tepper byway of lawsuit.
81.
The Plaintiff states that
matters of harassment that the police refuse to investigate would have entered
the realm of ridiculous in 2012 if the reasons behind the suicides of teenagers
did not become well known by the corporate media. In the summer of 2012 a
new member of the FPS who as a former member of the EPS had inspired a lawsuit
for beating a client in Edmonton called the Plaintiff and accused him of
something he could not do even if he wanted to while he was arguing many lawyers
byway of emails about a matter concerning cyber stalking that was before the
SCC. The member of the FPF accused the Plaintiff of calling the
boss of Bullying Canada thirty times. At that time his MagicJack account had
been hacked and although he could receive incoming calls, the Plaintiff could
not call out to anyone. The Plaintiff freely sent the FPF his telephone logs
sourced from MagicJack after his account restored without the Crown having to
issue a warrant to see his telephone records. He asked the FPF and the RCMP
where did the records of his phone calls to and from the FPF and the RCMP go if
his account had not been hacked. The police never responded. Years later a Troll
sent Dean Roger Ray a message through YouTube providing info about the
Plaintiff’s MagicJack account with the correct password. Dean Roger Ray promptly
posted two videos in YouTube clearly displaying the blatant violation of privacy
likely to protect himself from the crime. The Plaintiff quickly pointed out the
videos to the RCMP and they refused to investigate as usual. At about the same
point in time the Plaintiff noticed that the CBC had published a record of a
access to information requests. On the list of requests he saw his name along
with several employees of CBC and the boss of Bullying Canada. The Plaintiff
called the CBC to make inquiries about what he saw published on the Internet.
CBC told him it was none of his business and advised him if he thought his
rights had been offended to file a complaint. It appears the Plaintiff that
employees of CBC like other questionable Crown Corporations such as the RCMP
rely on their attorneys far too much to defend them from litigation they invite
from citizens they purportedly serve. The employees of CBC named within the
aforementioned and the CBC Legal Dept. are very familiar with the Plaintiff and
of the Crown barring him from legislative properties while he running for public
office.
82.
The Plaintiff states that any politician or police officer
should have seen enough of Barry Winter’s WordPress blog by June 22, 2015
particularly after the very unnecessary demise of two men in Alberta because of
the incompetence of the EPS. Barry Winters was blogging about the EPS using
battering ram in order to execute a warrant for
a 250 dollar bylaw offence at the same time Professor Kris Wells revealed
in a televised interview that the EPS member who was killed was the one
investigating the cyber harassment of him. It was obvious why the police and
politicians ignored all the death threats, sexual harassment, cyberbullying and
hate speech of a proud Zionist who claimed to be a former CF officer who now
working for the Department of National Defence (DND). It is well known that no
politician in Canada is allowed to sit in Parliament as a member of the major
parties unless they support Israel. Since 2002 the Plaintiff made it well known
that he does not support Israeli actions and was against the American plan to
make war on Iraq. On Aril 1, 2003 within two weeks of the beginning of the War
on Iraq, the US Secret Service threatened to practice extraordinary rendition
because false allegations of a Presidential threat were made against him by an
American court. However, the Americans and the Crown cannot deny that what he
said in two courts on April 1, 2003 because he published the recordings of what
was truly said as soon as he got the court tapes. The RCMP knows those words can
still be heard on the Internet today. In 2009, the Plaintiff began to complain
of Barry Winters about something far more important to Canada as nation because
of Winters’ bragging of being one of 24 CF officers who assisted the Americans
in the planning the War on Iraq in 2002. In the Plaintiff’s humble opinion the
mandate of the DND is Defence not Attack. He is not so naive to think that such
plans of war do not occur but if Barry Winters was in fact one of the CF
officers who did so then he broke his oath to the Crown the instant he bragged
of it in his blog. If Winters was never an officer in the CF then he broke the
law by impersonating an officer. The Plaintiff downloaded the emails of the
Privy Council about Wikileaks. The bragging of Barry Winters should have been
investigated in 2009 before CBC reported that documents released by WikiLeaks
supported his information about Canadian involvement in the War on Iraq.
83.
The Plaintiff states that
now that Canada is involved in more war in Iraq again it did not
serve Canadian interests and reputation to allow Barry Winters to
publish the following words three times over five years after he began his
bragging:
Friday, October 3,
2014
Little David Amos’ “True History Of War” Canadian Airstrikes
And
Stupid Justin Trudeau
Canada’s and
Canadians free ride is over. Canada can no longer hide
behind Amerka’s and
NATO’s skirts.
When I was still in
Canadian Forces then Prime Minister Jean Chretien actually committed the
Canadian Army to deploy in the second campaign in Iraq, the Coalition of the
Willing. This was against or contrary to the wisdom or advice of those of us
Canadian officers that were involved in the initial planning phases of that
operation. There were significant concern in our planning cell, and NDHQ about
of the dearth of concern for operational guidance, direction, and forces for
operations after the initial occupation of Iraq. At the “last minute” Prime
Minister Chretien and the Liberal government changed its mind. The Canadian
government told our amerkan cousins that we would not deploy combat troops for
the Iraq campaign, but would deploy a Canadian Battle Group to Afghanistan,
enabling our amerkan cousins to redeploy troops from there to Iraq. The PMO’s
thinking that it was less costly to deploy Canadian Forces to Afghanistan than
Iraq. But alas no one seems to remind the Liberals of Prime Minister Chretien’s
then grossly incorrect assumption. Notwithstanding Jean Chretien’s incompetence
and stupidity, the Canadian Army was heroic, professional, punched well above
it’s weight, and the PPCLI Battle Group, is credited with “saving Afghanistan”
during the Panjway campaign of 2006.
What Justin Trudeau and
the Liberals don’t tell you now, is that then Liberal Prime Minister Jean
Chretien committed, and deployed the Canadian army to Canada’s longest “war”
without the advice, consent, support, or vote of the Canadian
Parliament.
What David Amos and the
rest of the ignorant, uneducated, and babbling chattering classes are too addled
to understand is the deployment of less than 75 special operations troops, and
what is known by planners as a “six pac cell” of fighter aircraft is NOT the
same as a deployment of a Battle Group, nor a “war” make.
The Canadian Government
or The Crown unlike our amerkan cousins have the “constitutional authority” to
commit the Canadian nation to war. That has been recently clearly articulated to
the Canadian public by constitutional scholar Phillippe Legasse. What Parliament
can do is remove “confidence” in The Crown’s Government in a “vote of
non-confidence.” That could not happen to the Chretien Government regarding
deployment to Afghanistan, and it won’t happen in this instance with the
conservative majority in The Commons regarding a limited Canadian deployment to
the Middle East.
President George Bush
was quite correct after 911 and the terror attacks in New York; that the Taliban
“occupied” and “failed state” Afghanistan was the source of logistical support,
command and control, and training for the Al Quaeda war of terror against the
world. The initial defeat, and removal from control of Afghanistan was vital and
essential for the security and tranquility of the developed world. An ISIS
“caliphate,” in the Middle East, no matter how small, is a clear and present
danger to the entire world. This “occupied state,” or“failed state” will
prosecute an unending Islamic inspired war of terror against not only the
“western world,” but Arab states “moderate” or not, as well. The security,
safety, and tranquility of Canada and Canadians are just at risk now with the
emergence of an ISIS“caliphate” no matter how large or small, as it was with the
Taliban and Al Quaeda “marriage” in Afghanistan.
One of the everlasting
“legacies” of the “Trudeau the Elder’s dynasty was Canada and successive Liberal
governments cowering behind the amerkan’s nuclear and conventional military
shield, at the same time denigrating, insulting them, opposing them, and at the
same time self-aggrandizing ourselves as “peace keepers,” and progenitors of
“world peace.” Canada failed. The United States of Amerka, NATO, the G7 and or
G20 will no longer permit that sort of sanctimonious behavior from Canada or its
government any longer. And Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Foreign Minister John
Baird , and Cabinet are fully cognizant of that reality. Even if some editorial
boards, and pundits are not.
Justin, Trudeau “the
younger” is reprising the time “honoured” liberal mantra, and tradition of
expecting the amerkans or the rest of the world to do “the heavy lifting.”
Justin Trudeau and his “butt buddy” David Amos are telling Canadians that we can
guarantee our security and safety by expecting other nations to fight for us.
That Canada can and should attempt to guarantee Canadians safety by providing
“humanitarian aid” somewhere, and call a sitting US president a “war criminal.”
This morning Australia announced they too, were sending tactical aircraft to
eliminate the menace of an ISIS “caliphate.”
In one sense Prime
Minister Harper is every bit the scoundrel Trudeau “the elder” and Jean ‘the
crook” Chretien was. Just As Trudeau, and successive Liberal governments
delighted in diminishing, marginalizing, under funding Canadian Forces, and
sending Canadian military men and women to die with inadequate kit and modern
equipment; so too is Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Canada’s F-18s are
antiquated, poorly equipped, and ought to have been replaced five years ago. But
alas, there won’t be single RCAF fighter jock that won’t go, or won’t want to
go, to make Canada safe or safer.
My Grandfather served
this country. My father served this country. My Uncle served this country. And I
have served this country. Justin Trudeau has not served Canada in any way.
Thomas Mulcair has not served this country in any way. Liberals and so called
social democrats haven’t served this country in any way. David Amos, and other
drooling fools have not served this great nation in any way. Yet these fools are
more than prepared to ensure their, our safety to other nations, and then
criticize them for doing so.
Canada must again, now,
“do our bit” to guarantee our own security, and tranquility, but also that of
the world. Canada has never before shirked its responsibility to its citizens
and that of the world.
Prime Minister
Harper will not permit this country to do so now
From: dnd_mdn@forces.gc.ca
Date: Fri, 27 May 2011 14:17:17 -0400
Subject: RE: Re Greg Weston, The
CBC , Wikileaks, USSOCOM, Canada and the War in Iraq (I just called SOCOM and
let them know I was still alive
To: david.raymond.amos@gmail.com
This is to confirm that the Minister of National
Defence has received
your email and it will be reviewed in due course.
Please do not reply
to this message: it is an automatic acknowledgement.
>>>>
---------- Original message ----------
From: David Amos <david.raymond.amos@gmail.com>
Date:
Fri, 27 May 2011 13:55:30 -0300
Subject: Re Greg Weston, The CBC ,
Wikileaks, USSOCOM, Canada and the War in Iraq (I just called SOCOM and let them
know I was still alive
To: DECPR@forces.gc.ca, Public.Affairs@socom.mil,
Raymonde.Cleroux@mpcc-cppm.gc.ca,
john.adams@cse-cst.gc.ca,
william.elliott@rcmp-grc.gc.ca,
stoffp1 <stoffp1@parl.gc.ca>,
dnd_mdn@forces.gc.ca, media@drdc-rddc.gc.ca, information@forces.gc.ca,
milner@unb.ca, charters@unb.ca, lwindsor@unb.ca, sarah.weir@mpcc-cppm.gc.ca,
birgir <birgir@althingi.is>,
smari <smari@immi.is>, greg.weston@cbc.ca, pm
<pm@pm.gc.ca>,
susan@blueskystrategygroup.com,
Don@blueskystrategygroup.com,
eugene@blueskystrategygroup.com,
americas@aljazeera.net
Cc: "Edith. Cody-Rice" <Edith.Cody-Rice@cbc.ca>,
"terry.seguin"
< terry.seguin@cbc.ca>,
acampbell <acampbell@ctv.ca>,
whistleblower <whistleblower@ctv.ca>
I
talked to Don Newman earlier this week before the beancounters David Dodge and
Don Drummond now of Queen's gave their spin about Canada's Health Care system
yesterday and Sheila Fraser yapped on and on on CAPAC during her
last days in office as if she were oh so ethical.. To be fair to him I just
called Greg Weston (613-288-6938) I suggested that he should at least
Google SOUCOM and David Amos It would be wise if he check ALL of CBC's sources
before he publishes something else about the DND EH Don Newman? Lets just say
that the fact that your old CBC buddy, Tony Burman
is now in charge of Al Jazeera English never impressed me. The fact that he set
up a Canadian office is interesting though
http://www.blueskystrategygroup.com/index.php/team/don-newman/
Anyone can call me back and stress test
my integrity after they read
this simple pdf file. BTW what you Blue Sky
dudes pubished about
Potash Corp and BHP is truly funny. Perhaps Stevey Boy
Harper or Brad Wall will fill ya in if you are to shy to call mean old me.
http://www.scribd.com/doc/2718120/Integrity-Yea-Right
The Governor General, the PMO and the PCO offices know that I am not a
shy political animal
Veritas Vincit
David Raymond Amos
902 800 0369
Enjoy Mr Weston
http://www.cbc.ca/m/touch/news/story/2011/05/15/weston-iraq-invasion-wikileaks.html
"But Lang, defence minister McCallum's chief of staff, says military
brass were not entirely forthcoming on the issue. For instance, he
says,
even McCallum initially didn't know those soldiers were helping
to plan the
invasion of Iraq up to the highest levels of command,
including a Canadian
general.
That general is Walt Natynczyk, now Canada's
chief of defence staff,
who eight months after the invasion became deputy
commander of 35,000 U.S. soldiers and other allied forces in Iraq. Lang says
Natynczyk was also part of the team of mainly senior U.S. military brass that
helped prepare for the invasion from a mobile command in Kuwait."
http://baconfat53.blogspot.com/2010/06/canada-and-united-states.html
"I remember years ago when the debate was on in Canada,
about there being weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Our American 'friends"
demanded that Canada join into "the Coalition of the Willing. American
"veterans" and sportscasters loudly denounced Canada for NOT buying into the US
policy.
At the time I was serving as a planner at NDHQ and with 24 other
of my colleagues we went to Tampa SOUCOM HQ to be involved in the planning in
the planning stages of the op....and to report to NDHQ, that would report to the
PMO upon the merits of the proposed operation. There was never at anytime an
existing target list of verified sites where there were deployed WMD.
Coalition assets were more than sufficient for the initial
strike and invasion phase but even at that point in the planning, we were
concerned about the number of "boots on the ground" for the occupation (and end
game) stage of an operation in Iraq. We were also concerned about the American
plans for occupation plans of Iraq because they at that stage included no
contingency for a handing over of civil authority to a vetted Iraqi government
and bureaucracy.
There was no detailed plan for Iraq being "liberated"
and returned to its people...nor a thought to an eventual exit plan. This was
contrary to the lessons of Vietnam but also to current military thought, that
folks like Colin Powell and "Stuffy" Leighton and others elucidated upon.
"What's the mission" how long is the mission, what conditions are to met before
US troop can redeploy? Prime Minister Jean Chretien and the PMO
were even at the very preliminary planning stages wary of Canadian involvement
in an Iraq operation....History would prove them correct. The political pressure
being applied on the PMO from the George W Bush administration was onerous
American military assets were extremely overstretched, and
Canadian military assets even more so It was proposed by the PMO that Canadian
naval platforms would deploy to assist in naval quarantine operations in the
Gulf and that Canadian army assets would deploy in Afghanistan thus permitting
US army assets to redeploy for an Iraqi operation....The PMO thought that
"compromise would save Canadian lives and liberal political capital.. and the
priority of which ....not necessarily in that order. "
You
can bet that I called these sneaky Yankees again today EH John
Adams? of the
CSE within the DND?
84.
The Plaintiff states that
the RCMP is well aware that he went to western Canada in 2104 at the invitation
of a fellow Maritimer in order to assist in his attempt to investigate the
murders of many people in Northern BC. The Plaintiff has good reasons to doubt
his fellow Maritimer’s motives. The fact that he did not tell the Plaintiff
until he had arrived in BC that he had invited a Neo Nazi he knew the Plaintiff
strongly disliked to the same protest that he was staging in front of the court
house in Prince George on August 21, 2014. The Plaintiff was looking forward to
meeting Lonnie Landrud so he ignored the Neo Nazi. Several months after their
one and only meeting, Lonnie Landrud contacted the Plaintiff and asked him to
publish a statement of his on the Internet and to forward it to anyone he
wished. The Plaintiff obliged Landrud and did an investigation of his own as
well. He has informed the RCMP of his opinion of their actions and has done
nothing further except monitor the criminal proceedings the Crown has placed
against the Neo Nazi in BC and save his videos and webpages and that of his
associates. The words the Plaintiff stated in public in Prince George BC on
August 21, 2014 were recorded by the Neo Nazi and published on the Internet and
the RCMP knows the Plaintiff stands by every word. For the public record the
Plaintiff truly believes what Lonnie Landrud told him despite the fact that he
does not trust his Neo Nazi associates. Therefore the Plaintiff had no ethical
dilemma whatsoever in publishing the statement Lonnie Landrud mailed to him in a
sincere effort to assist Lonnie Landrud’s pursuit of justice. The Crown is well
aware that Plaintiff’s former lawyer, Barry Bachrach once had a leader of the
American Indian Movement for a client and that is why he ran against the former
Minister of Indian Affairs for his seat in the 39th Parliament.
85.
The Plaintiff states that
while he was out west he visited Edmonton AB several times and met many people.
He visited the home of Barry Winters and all his favourite haunts in the hope of
meeting in person the evil person who had been sexually harassing and
threatening to kill him and his children for many years. The Crown cannot deny
that Winters invited him many times. On June 13, 2015 Barry Winters admitted the
EPS warned him the Plaintiff was looking for him.
86.
The Plaintiff states that
on December 15th, 2014 the Crown in
Alberta contacted him byway of an email account he seldom uses since his last
communications with the Sergeant-at-Arms
and Robin Reid. The Sergeant-at-Arms
wanted to know about a contact he had that day with the constituency office of a
recently appointed Cabinet Minister. All the other statements in this complaint
should prove that the Plaintiff knew why a political lawyer from NB was ignoring
a new constituent’s contacts all summer after answering a message in Twitter
promising to meet with him. It was obvious to the Plaintiff that as soon as the
lawyer was a Cabinet Minister he was attempting to use his influence to
intimidate the Plaintiff byway of the
Sergeant-at-Arms like his political associates in NB did in 2004.
87.
The Plaintiff states that before he had a chance to respond to the email from
the Sergeant-at-Arms of Alberta, three members of the RCMP members in plain clothes were pounding on the basement
entrance of a condo at 1:30 AM. They did not identify themselves as being the
police as they attempted to harass the Plaintiff on private property in the
middle of the night without a warrant. The Plaintiff was twice the age of the
oldest one and considered them to be tough talking kids who were trying to enter
a home in the middle of the night so as he closed the door he told them he was
calling the cops. They hollered on the other side of the door that they were the
cops as the Plaintiff called their headquarters and was immediately patched
through to them. The Plaintiff refused their request when RCMP tried to con him
into coming outside in freezing temperatures in the middle of the night so they
could supposedly speak with him instead of saying what they needed to say over
the telephone. If what the RCMP was saying was remotely true then they should
have identified themselves and asked for him instead of someone else when he
answered the door. The Plaintiff’s response to the RCMP’s trickery was that it
was best that they communicate in writing and that he would be contacting their
lawyers in the morning. The Crown received its very justifiable responses and
the law was not upheld. The Plaintiff was ignored as the RCMP continued to
harass his family deep into the New Year as he headed for the BC coast then back
to the Maritimes to run for public office again.
88.
The Plaintiff states that
in regards to this complaint the actions and inactions of the
Sergeant-at-Arms and the RCMP in
Alberta affirmed to the Plaintiff that he is still barred under threat of arrest
from all parliamentary properties in Canada because they did not deny it. The
RCMP does not have the integrity to talk to or email him about anything because
they know he tries to record everything just like they do. Instead of acting
ethically the standard operating procedure of the RCMP since 2004 is to
intimidate his friends and family in a malicious effort to impeach his character
and separate them. That is the reason the Plaintiff stays away from most people
most of the time. The actions of the RCMP towards the Plaintiff and many others
and his experiences in the USA served to convince him that the Crown acts just
like corrupt Americans. In order to cover up wrongs it would prefer to injure
and imprison ethical citizens in mental wards rather than uphold the law or
argue them publicly in a court of law. In 2002 the Plaintiff explained why he
would seek public office in Canada to American lawyers he was suing within
statements of a lawsuit about legal malpractice. Now he is doing the same to
Canadian lawyers in the employ of the government whose wages are once again
being paid by his fellow taxpayer. As the Plaintiff prepares to deal with a
predicable motion to dismiss and a motion for a publication ban to delay and
conceal this matter before polling day perhaps the lawyers working for the Crown
should study the Plaintiff’s work found within documents in the Governor
General’s office. Trust that he will look forward to talking to the first lawyer
to answer this complaint because it has been years since he could get any lawyer
in Canada to discuss anything with him. There is no ethical dilemma to be found
in this statement, the Crown counsels should just do their job according to the
law of the land, seek the documents in the possession of the lawyer who is the
Governor General of Canada and let the political cards fall where they may. In
closing the Plaintiff must remind the Crown that two members of the Canadian
Forces acting as security for the Highland Games held on the grounds of the
Lieutenant Governor’s residence in NB approached the Chief of the Amos Clan
claiming that an unnamed party found him “overbearing”. He gave them a
copy of the Governors General’s letter and freely left the parliamentary
property.
Jurisdiction and
Venue
89.
The Plaintiff states that
Federal Court has jurisdiction in this claim against the Crown pursuant to
section 17 (1) of the Federal Courts Act and he proposes that this action be tried at Fredericton, New
Brunswick.
90.
The Plaintiff prays that
the Federal Court does not strike this complaint against the Crown. It is not
without merit nor is it abusing of the process of this Court. This claim
is definitely not frivolous or vexatious
or immaterial or redundant.
91.
The Plaintiff states he is not a lawyer or studied law at
any law school. This is a Pro Se complaint composed by him to the best of his
ability as a layman after studying Canadian laws on his own for ten years. He is
compelled to act Pro Se because not one lawyer of the many whom he has
approached in Canada and the USA over the course of the past fifteen years would
assist him in any complaint that would impeach the character of an auditor or a
fellow member of the bar or embarrass a justice system in which they practice
law for a fee. However, many lawyers have been paid from the Plaintiff’s
interests as they worked diligently to cover up many wrongs practiced against
his family for many years. The Plaintiff considers two of the most offensive to
him are the lawyers who are the current Governor General and Attorney General of
Canada. The Plaintiff is acting upon a suggestion of a former Governor General
after diligently attempting to settle this matter with all the Attorney Generals
of Canada and the RCMP for twelve years.
92.
The Plaintiff states that must restate the simple truth of
this matter. It still is as he explained to the NBPC in 2004. The
Sergeant-at-Arms in NB illegally barred the Plaintiff for political reasons. His
actions as a whistleblower the RCMP and the liberal federal government were the
reasons. The Plaintiff met former Premiers Bernard Lord and David Alward
(Consular in Boston) On October 3, 2006, Premier Lord studied the “Barring
Notice” after being thanked for putting the Crown’s malice in writing.
Alward and a RCMP member heard Lord claim he knew nothing about it and suggest
that the Plaintiff sue the Sergeant-at-Arms.
93.
The Plaintiff states that on October 3, 2006
he quickly proved what the political lawyer Bernard Lord had claimed in front of
his former Cabinet Minister was not true by presenting him with a document
signed by his former Attorney General. Bernard Lord quickly responded that the
Plaintiff should sue him too. The former Premier had nothing further to say when
he was shown a copy of the Plaintiff’s cover letter that came with the documents
and CD given to his constituency office in Moncton NB in early July of 2004. The
Plaintiff complained of Premier Lord expelling him from the legislature building
for political reasons not legal within the first paragraph of the aforesaid
cover letter. The Attorney General had answered the Plaintiff on the Crown’s
behalf after admitting he had received the documents given to Premier Lord and
another former Premier Frank McKenna the year before his was appointed to be the
Canadian Ambassador to the USA.
94.
The Plaintiff states that
on October 30, 2006, after he had read the news and discussed Justice
Dennis O’Connor’s report on the Arar matter with many people that he knew Wayne
Easter and Commissioner Giuliano Zacardelli were profound liars
he received a call from Sgt. Vaillancourt of J Division of the RCMP. The Plaintiff refused
to make a deal with the RCMP and his reasons were published on the Internet for
years. Wayne Easter’s words quoted by CBC were the reason the RCMP called. They
are as follows:
“Wayne
Easter, the former solicitor-general who presided during the Arar ordeal,
appeared to contradict earlier testimony from RCMP head Giuliano Zacardelli
today when he answered questions at a commons committee. Responding to Justice
Dennis O’Connor’s report on the Arar case at the public safety and national
security committee, Easter said he was never told the RCMP had passed on false
information to the United States and was never told the RCMP tried to correct
it, as claimed by Zacardelli.
“I was
not informed that the RCMP had provided inaccurate information to the U.S.,”
Easter told the MPs.”
95.
The Plaintiff states that
whereas the Prime Minister apologized to Maher Arar on behalf of Canada and made
$10-million settlement after the government wasted several
years and squandered an incredible amount of taxpayer funds on legal fees
generating Justice
Dennis O’Connor’s report, the Plaintiff deserves at least the same sort of
settlement in this matter.
96.
The Plaintiff states that
whereas he has been barred from access to parliamentary properties for a period
of eleven years and that the aforesaid properties include ten provinces and the
Nation’s Capital District the apologies and amount he seeks in settlement is
very reasonable and certainly justified.
The plaintiff therefore asks this court for the
following relief:
(a)
A public apology by the
Prime Minister and each Premier for the illegal barring of a citizen from access
to parliamentary properties.
(b)
A declaration signed by the
Minister of Public Safety and witnessed by the Governor General stating that the
Canadian government will no longer allow the RCMP and the Canadian Forces to
harass the Plaintiff and his Clan.
(c)
A settlement of eleven
million dollars ($11,000,000.00) in the form of relief and punitive damages for
being barred from eleven parliamentary properties for eleven years.
(d)
Costs to the Plaintiff in bringing this matter before
the court
Dated at Fredericton, NB the 15th day of September
2015
_________________________________
Plaintiff David Raymond Amos
P.O. Box 234
Apohaqui, NB, E5P 3G2
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