David Raymond Amos @DavidRayAmos
Replying to @DavidRayAmos @Kathryn98967631 and 48 others
Reply to Garry Walton: Methinks Mr Prime Minister Trudeau The Younger enlisting Ben Chin as a senior adviser was a major faux pas N'esy Pas?
https://davidraymondamos3.blogspot.com/2019/05/with-trudeaus-leadership-under-fire.html
https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/tariff-steel-aluminum-deal-canada-trump-1.5140031
With Trudeau's leadership under fire, Liberals try to regroup before October
8611 Comments
Commenting is now closed for this story.
Garry Walton
I can't stand the sight of him and we all rush to turn the channel or mute it so we don't have hear that condescending drivel.
David Amos
Reply to @Garry
Walton: Methinks Mr Prime Minister Trudeau The Younger enlisting Ben
Chin as a senior adviser was a major faux pas N'esy Pas?
Stan Smith
Reply to @Garry Walton: my multi-term conservative MP recently told me he thought Mr. Chrétien was the best PM in recent decades. Strong fiscal management, smelled a rat on Iraq and didn’t get drawn in to that, great judgement. I found the MP’s candour refreshing. I may even vote for them because of it.
David Amos
Reply to @Stan Smith: "smelled a rat on Iraq and didn’t get drawn in to that"
Dream on
https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/weston-canada-offered-to-aid-iraq-invasion-wikileaks-1.1062501
Dream on
https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/weston-canada-offered-to-aid-iraq-invasion-wikileaks-1.1062501
Stan Smith
Reply to @David Amos: well those are the words my MP used to describe it. Whatever objection you have it’s to his point of view
Richard Dekkar
Never have I seen Canada so united in its anger towards a Prime Minister. Never have I seen a Prime Minister be so vindictive to Canada.
David Amos
Reply to @Richard
Dekkar: Methinks you have a convenient memory I bet many folks will
agree that Trudeau won such a big mandate not because he was oh so
wonderful but because Harper was oh so awful N'esy Pas?
Bill Edward Goate
I've made a helpful list of why Canadians have lost patience with Trudeau:
• A leadership style that values nauseating virtue signalling and displays of symbolism and diversity over actual substance, ability and achievement.
• The constant embarrassment on the world stage
• The constant embarrassment on the domestic stage
• The non-stop apologies and payout to dead people for actions by other dead people usually under the guise of "reconciliation" (occurring most frequently when he needs an easy win after a string of cringeworthy incidents)
• His treatment of dissenting voices, be they Christians wanting to participate in a summer jobs program or strong female cabinet members with real concerns about the morality and legality of government actions
• His cooperation/collusion with social media to stifle unwelcome criticism under the guise of cracking down on "h8 speech" (nobody buys it)
• His getting our collective posterior handed to us by the Americans during NAFTA renegotiations
• His complete and total disinterest in even pretending to be interested in a balanced budget
• His low view of our armed forces, from veterans seeking care to snuffing out the career of an accomplished Admiral in and effort to conceal his own government's incompetence.
I think that about covers it.
David Amos
Reply to @Bill Edward Goate: Pretty decent list Now whats your real name?
Jon Hurt
Well it’s pretty obvious that the PMO and Telford are quite busy sending out talking points to their preferred media outlets... CBC takes the bait...
David Amos
Reply to @Jon Hurt: "CBC takes the bait.."
Methinks you are not reading the same article I am N'esy Pas?
Methinks you are not reading the same article I am N'esy Pas?
Stephen David
The writing is on the wall for the Liberals.....there will be no second term. The sun is setting on the whole Sunny ways thing come October.
David Amos
Reply to @Stephen David: "there will be no second term"
Methinks October is a long way away when it comes to hardball politicking but it is getting more interesting by the day N'esy Pas?
Methinks October is a long way away when it comes to hardball politicking but it is getting more interesting by the day N'esy Pas?
Jason Martin
Trudeau's arrogance is what has sunk the Liberal brand. He promised to do politics differently, and he didn't keep his promise.
David Amos
Reply to @Jason Martin: "He promised to do politics differently, and he didn't keep his promise."
Surprise Surprise Surprise
Surprise Surprise Surprise
Al Newman
I am absolutely sick of this guy...
Can't hit the mute button quick enough
David Amos
Reply to @Al Newman: "I am absolutely sick of this guy... "
Methinks Alfred E Newman would agree that you are not alone N'esy Pas?
Methinks Alfred E Newman would agree that you are not alone N'esy Pas?
Garry Walton
A trust fund kid raised in an environment of privilege, sprinkled with a large dose of arrogance does not a Prime Minister make.
The best thing that could come out of this fiasco would be a sit-com and undoubtably it would be the funniest comedy on TV.
David Amos
Reply to @Garry
Walton: "A trust fund kid raised in an environment of privilege,
sprinkled with a large dose of arrogance does not a Prime Minister make.
"
Methinks it interesting that he managed to run Harper out of office N'esy Pas?
Methinks it interesting that he managed to run Harper out of office N'esy Pas?
Kevan
Cleverbridge (Hill 70)
Among the so many gaffes,the one that will sink him ,is a Carbon Tax.
David Amos
Reply to @Kevan
Cleverbridge (Hill 70): Methinks Carbon Tax is a dilly of that I have no
doubt but he has made so many other goofs it appears to be the total of
them all that put him on the reef N'esy Pas?
Tom Douglas
Its said that if someone isn't angry at you then you are not doing your job as a leader.
What does it mean when EVERYONE including teenagers are angry with you?
David Amos
Reply to @Tom Douglas: Methinks if you are not angry then you are not paying attenuation N'esy Pas?
With Trudeau's leadership under fire, Liberals try to regroup before October
The SNC-Lavalin affair helped turn the party's best political asset — the prime minister — into a burden
Justin Trudeau was elected in 2015 in
part because he changed the way many Canadians felt about politics. But
if Trudeau is going to be reelected in 2019, party insiders admit he
needs to change the way many Canadians feel about him now.
Federal and provincial Liberals who spoke to CBC News concede what was unthinkable just months ago — that in the wake of the SNC-Lavalin controversy, Trudeau's leadership has gone from one of the party's greatest strengths to one of its biggest liabilities.
It's even an issue in Atlantic Canada, the region the party swept in 2015. Provincial candidates in Newfoundland and Labrador — where the Liberals were reduced to a minority government on Thursday — were surprised at the amount of anti-Trudeau sentiment they encountered while going door-to-door.
Many voters in the energy-reliant and financially-challenged province were worried about the impact Trudeau's environmental agenda would have on the local offshore oil sector. Others were angry about the Liberals' approach to immigration. Those issues, combined with the SNC-Lavalin controversy, have transformed voter attitudes about Trudeau.
"Three months ago he would have been an asset for us," said one senior Newfoundland and Labrador Liberal. "Now, not so much."
That dynamic is showing up in private focus groups that are reinforcing the public polls: Trudeau's reputation as a strong leader has been badly damaged by the SNC-Lavalin affair — a public conflict between Trudeau and his then-justice minister Jody Wilson-Raybould that saw both the minister and her colleague, Jane Philpott, resign from cabinet to protest what they alleged was high-level pressure to secure a deal to allow the Quebec-based engineering company to avoid a trial on corruption and fraud charges.
The collapse of the Crown's case against Vice-Admiral Mark Norman, with its accusations of political interference on the part of the government, merely compounded the party's image crisis.
"I don't think something happened in the broader environment that forced the change. I think it was what happened here in Ottawa with SNC-Lavalin," said David Coletto, CEO of polling firm Abacus Data, in a recent interview.
"That was a moment that seems to have completely reset people's impressions of the prime minister and now he's living with the consequences of that."
One of the consequences of that "reset" is an effort by Liberals to recalibrate how they're positioning themselves to seek re-election. The Liberal climate plan is an important part of that. But there is a deep recognition in party circles that talking about climate change alone won't be nearly enough to save the government.
Many Liberals acknowledge that the Conservatives have smartly tapped into the issue of affordability and economic anxiety. This was reflected in the Ontario Liberal caucus's ranking of platform priorities, leaked to CBC News, that put personal financial security ahead of climate and reconciliation. At the top of the Ontario MPs' list was a national pharmacare plan, which is certain to be a centrepiece of the Liberal platform.
But a platform can only work if the leader can sell it. There is a hope among senior Liberals who spoke to CBC News — both elected officials and political staff — that a busy slate of international travel over the next few months can help rehabilitate Trudeau's reputation as a leader.
The prime minister is expected to attend the G20 in Japan in June and the G7 in France in August. Trudeau was in Paris this week sharing the global spotlight with French President Emmanuel Macron and New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern at a summit to denounce online extremism.
The Liberals hope that events like this will help strike a contrast between Trudeau and Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer, whom the Liberals have accused of cosying up to extreme political elements here in Canada — a claim the Conservatives angrily deny.
That direct contrast with Scheer is a key factor in Liberal re-election hopes in the face of dismal polling. Many Liberals point to past victories by Ontario Liberal premiers Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne — two leaders who entered election campaigns trailing their Conservative opponents but won in the end.
The theory is that turning the election into a choice between Scheer's agenda and Trudeau's favours the Liberals. But if the election becomes a referendum on Trudeau alone, it favours the Conservatives.
"You either have to get people to reconsider their views of the prime minister or, what's more likely ... get them to think differently about the alternative that's waiting in the wings, and that's Andrew Scheer and the Conservatives," said Coletto. "A desire for change still requires an acceptable alternative."
But to get there, multiple Liberal insiders say they need to improve the performance of the Prime Minister's Office as well. The hope is that the recent addition of Ben Chin as a senior adviser will add some urgency to the PMO's communications and issues-management efforts — work that some Liberals say needs to accelerate from a think-tank's pace to war-room speed.
Senior
Liberals also concede that the party needs to sharpen its pitch to
suburban swing voters while it attempts to deepen the contrast between
Trudeau and Scheer. Seats in British Columbia, and in that the wide band
of ridings that run between Windsor, Ont. and Quebec City, are key to
the Liberals' re-election hopes. But the party finds itself fighting a
mood of economic uncertainty, in spite of blistering job growth numbers
in many of these areas.
In the party's plus column, Liberals like to point to a solid party infrastructure that ought to serve them well in the upcoming campaign. The appointment of Jeremy Broadhurst as campaign director has rallied some Liberals who have grown disillusioned during recent months.
And while the Conservatives have raised more money at the national level (the party enjoyed a massive first quarter this year), the Liberals have raised significantly more funds at the local riding level than in 2015. This, party insiders say, will allow candidates to open their headquarters months before the official start of the campaign.
Of course, this entire strategy depends on an assumption that the fallout from the SNC-Lavalin and Mark Norman controversies are largely over, the government avoids any more self-inflicted wounds and public opinion stabilizes to the point where the Liberals can see a possible path back to government.
"If we're within the margin of error, bring it on," said one Liberal.
CBC's Journalistic Standards and PracticesFederal and provincial Liberals who spoke to CBC News concede what was unthinkable just months ago — that in the wake of the SNC-Lavalin controversy, Trudeau's leadership has gone from one of the party's greatest strengths to one of its biggest liabilities.
It's even an issue in Atlantic Canada, the region the party swept in 2015. Provincial candidates in Newfoundland and Labrador — where the Liberals were reduced to a minority government on Thursday — were surprised at the amount of anti-Trudeau sentiment they encountered while going door-to-door.
Many voters in the energy-reliant and financially-challenged province were worried about the impact Trudeau's environmental agenda would have on the local offshore oil sector. Others were angry about the Liberals' approach to immigration. Those issues, combined with the SNC-Lavalin controversy, have transformed voter attitudes about Trudeau.
What a difference three months made
"Three months ago he would have been an asset for us," said one senior Newfoundland and Labrador Liberal. "Now, not so much."
That dynamic is showing up in private focus groups that are reinforcing the public polls: Trudeau's reputation as a strong leader has been badly damaged by the SNC-Lavalin affair — a public conflict between Trudeau and his then-justice minister Jody Wilson-Raybould that saw both the minister and her colleague, Jane Philpott, resign from cabinet to protest what they alleged was high-level pressure to secure a deal to allow the Quebec-based engineering company to avoid a trial on corruption and fraud charges.
The collapse of the Crown's case against Vice-Admiral Mark Norman, with its accusations of political interference on the part of the government, merely compounded the party's image crisis.
"I don't think something happened in the broader environment that forced the change. I think it was what happened here in Ottawa with SNC-Lavalin," said David Coletto, CEO of polling firm Abacus Data, in a recent interview.
"That was a moment that seems to have completely reset people's impressions of the prime minister and now he's living with the consequences of that."
Pharmacare, finances over climate change
One of the consequences of that "reset" is an effort by Liberals to recalibrate how they're positioning themselves to seek re-election. The Liberal climate plan is an important part of that. But there is a deep recognition in party circles that talking about climate change alone won't be nearly enough to save the government.
Many Liberals acknowledge that the Conservatives have smartly tapped into the issue of affordability and economic anxiety. This was reflected in the Ontario Liberal caucus's ranking of platform priorities, leaked to CBC News, that put personal financial security ahead of climate and reconciliation. At the top of the Ontario MPs' list was a national pharmacare plan, which is certain to be a centrepiece of the Liberal platform.
But a platform can only work if the leader can sell it. There is a hope among senior Liberals who spoke to CBC News — both elected officials and political staff — that a busy slate of international travel over the next few months can help rehabilitate Trudeau's reputation as a leader.
'A desire for change still requires an acceptable alternative'
The prime minister is expected to attend the G20 in Japan in June and the G7 in France in August. Trudeau was in Paris this week sharing the global spotlight with French President Emmanuel Macron and New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern at a summit to denounce online extremism.
The Liberals hope that events like this will help strike a contrast between Trudeau and Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer, whom the Liberals have accused of cosying up to extreme political elements here in Canada — a claim the Conservatives angrily deny.
That direct contrast with Scheer is a key factor in Liberal re-election hopes in the face of dismal polling. Many Liberals point to past victories by Ontario Liberal premiers Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne — two leaders who entered election campaigns trailing their Conservative opponents but won in the end.
The theory is that turning the election into a choice between Scheer's agenda and Trudeau's favours the Liberals. But if the election becomes a referendum on Trudeau alone, it favours the Conservatives.
"You either have to get people to reconsider their views of the prime minister or, what's more likely ... get them to think differently about the alternative that's waiting in the wings, and that's Andrew Scheer and the Conservatives," said Coletto. "A desire for change still requires an acceptable alternative."
PMO staff changes
But to get there, multiple Liberal insiders say they need to improve the performance of the Prime Minister's Office as well. The hope is that the recent addition of Ben Chin as a senior adviser will add some urgency to the PMO's communications and issues-management efforts — work that some Liberals say needs to accelerate from a think-tank's pace to war-room speed.
In the party's plus column, Liberals like to point to a solid party infrastructure that ought to serve them well in the upcoming campaign. The appointment of Jeremy Broadhurst as campaign director has rallied some Liberals who have grown disillusioned during recent months.
And while the Conservatives have raised more money at the national level (the party enjoyed a massive first quarter this year), the Liberals have raised significantly more funds at the local riding level than in 2015. This, party insiders say, will allow candidates to open their headquarters months before the official start of the campaign.
Of course, this entire strategy depends on an assumption that the fallout from the SNC-Lavalin and Mark Norman controversies are largely over, the government avoids any more self-inflicted wounds and public opinion stabilizes to the point where the Liberals can see a possible path back to government.
"If we're within the margin of error, bring it on," said one Liberal.
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